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'l»iiumiiteffi?i!Jfi,,,,':?'"paign book 


3 1924 030 483 543 

Cornell University 

The original of this book is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 

National Democratic 

Campaign Book 




Democratic National Committee* 


ri1^|MM> 3 

WaBhington, D. 0. 

Globe Printing ttompaiiy 



Alabama Henry D. Clayton. . . , . , Eufatik. 

Arkansas '• • .Jambs P. Clark ". Little Rock. 

€alifornia M. F. Tarpy. Alameda. 

"Colorado Adair '^ilson Denver.. 

•Connecticut Homer S.> Cummings Stamford. 

Delaware R- E. KeiStne^. Dover. 

Florida George P, Eaney Tallahassee. 

<5eorgia Clark HoWell ': .Atlanta. 

Idaho ^ E. M. "Wolfe Mountain Home. 

Illinois ....;.... Thomas GjiAHAN f . . .', Chicago. , 

Indiana : Thomas Ti^ggart IndianTipolis. 

Iowa 0. A. Walsh Ottum wa. 

iEansas J. G. Johnson Peabody. 

Kentucky Urey Woodeon.". . . .. .^ Owensboro. 

Xouisiana N. C. Blancpard. . . ^^^^ Shreveport. 

Maine Akthur Sewall v Bath. 

UMaryland ArthurP. Gorman j Laurel.. 

Massachusetts Geo. Fred Williams . . .] Boston. 

Michigan Daniel J. Oampau J Detroit. 

Minnesota T. D. O'Brien ..,. St. Paul. 

Mississippi A. J. EussellV Meridian. 

Missouri William J. Stone St. Louis. 

Montana .Tohn S. M. Nbill Helena. 

Nebraska James C. Dahlman Omaha. 

iJevada T. R. Rvan. Virginia City. 

New Hampshire^. True L. Norris Portsmouth. 

, New Jersey W. B. Gourley Patereon. 

New York .Norman E. Mack Buffalo. 

North Carolina Josephus Daniels Raleigh. 

North Dakota J. B. Eaton. , Fargo. 

Ohio Tohn R. McLean Cincinnati. 

Oregon '. '. . M. A. Miller Lebanon. 

Pennsylvania J. M. Guffey Pittsburg. 

Rhode Island (teorge W. Green Woonsocket. 

South Carolina. .,...' B. R. Tillman Trenton. 

South' Dakota Maris.Taylor Huron. 

Tennessee James M. Head Nashville. 

Texas R. M. Johnston Houston. 

Utah David 0. Dunbar Salt Lake. 

Vermont. ,Tohn H. Senter Montpelier. 

Virginia , . , Peter J. Otey Lynchburg. 

"Washington. , W. H. Dunphy Walla Walla. , 

West Virginia. . " John T. McGraw Grafton. 

Wisconsin T. E. Ryan Waukesha. 

Wyoming John E. Osborne Rawlins. 

Alaska Louis I;. AVilliams Juneau. 

Arizona J. A. Breathitt Tucson. 

Oklahoma ,- . 

Indian Territory , 

New Mexico H. B. Fejigusson Albuquerque. 

District of Columbia 

Hawaii, William H. Cornwell Honolulu. 


Sen. JAMES K. JONES, Chairman. 

Ex-Gov. W. J. STONE, Vice-Chairman. 
C. A. WALSH, Secretary. 

M. F. DINLAP, Treasurer. 

Executive Committee : 

JAMES E. JONES, Arkansas, Chairman. 
J. G. JOHNSON, Kansas, Vice-Chairman. 

C. A. WALSH, Iowa, Secretary. 
W. J. STONE, Missouri. 

H. D. CLAYTON, Alabama. 
THOMAS 6AHAN, Illinois. 

D. J. CAMPAU, Michigan. 

J. M. GUFFEY, Pennsylvania. 


T. D. O'BRIEN, Minnesota. 


JAMES C. DAHLMAN, Nebraska. 

NORMAN E. MACK, New York. 

Ways and Means Committee : 

JOHN R. McLEAN, Chairman. 

W. H. HINRICHSEN, Traveling Manager. 

Press Committee: 

CLARK HOWELL, Jr., Vice-Chairman. 
WILLIS J. ABBOT, Manager. 

C. A- WALSH, Secretary of all Committees. 


Campaign Book 



Issued by Authority of Democratic 


National Committee. 

Washington, D. 0. 

Globe Printing Company 


PART ONE.— Platforms. 


Adopted, July 4, igoo. 

Deqlaration of Principloa. 

We, the representatives of the Democratic party of the United States, as- 
sembled in national convention on the anniversary of the adoption of the 
Declaration of Independence, do reaffirm our faith in that immortal proclama- 
tion of the inalienable rights of man, and om-. allegiance to the constitution 
framed in harmony therewith by the fathers of the Republic. We hold, with 
the United States supreme court that the Declaration of Independence is the 
spirit of our government, of which the constitution is the form and letter. We 
declare again that all governments instituted among men derive their just 
powers from the consent o£\ tiie governed; that any government not based up- 
on the consent of the governed is a tyranny; and that to impose upon any peo- 
ple a government of force is to substitute the methods of imperialism for 
those of a republic. We hold that the constitution follows the flag and de- 
nounce the doctrine that an executive or congress, deriving their existence and 
their powers from the constitution, can exercise lawful authority beyond it, 
or in violation of it. We assert that no nation can long endure halt republic 
and half empire, and we warn the American people that imperialism abroad 
will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home. 

Porto Rican Law Denounced. 

Believing in these fundamental principles, we denounce the Porto Rico law, 
enacted by a Republican congress against the protest and opposition of the 


Democratic minority, as a bold and open violation of tlie nation's organic law 
and a flagrant breacli of national good faith. It imposes upon the people 
of Porto Rico a' government without their consefiit.raad taxation without repre- 
sentation. It dishonors the American people by repudiating a solemn-pledge 
made in their behalf by the commanding ■ general of our army, which the 
Porto Eicans welcomed to a peaceful and unresisted occnpatioo of their land. 
It dooms to poverty and disti-ess a people whose helplessness appeals with pe- 
culiar force to our justice and .magnanimity. In this, the first act of its im- 
perialistic program, the Republican party seelis to commit the United States 
to a colonial policy inconsistent with Republican institutions and condemned 
by the supreme court in numerous decisions. ^ 

Pledge to the Cubans. ■, 

We demand the prompt and honest fulfillment of our pledge to the Cuban 
people and the world, that the United States has no disposition nor Intention 
to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over the island of Cuba, ex- 
cept for its pacification. The war ended nearly two years ago, profound peace 
reigns over all the island, and still the administration keeps the government 
of the island from its people, while Republican carpetbag oflBcials plunder its 
revenues and exploit the colonial theory to the disgrace of the American peo- 

The Philippine Question. 

liwe condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of the present administra- 
tion. It has embroiled the Republic in an unnecessary war, sacrificed the 
lives of many of its noblest sons, and placed the United States, previously 
known and applauded throughout the world as the champion of freedom, in 
the false and unAmerlcan position of crushing with military force the efforts 
of our former allies to achieve liberty and self-governmentj The Filipinos 
cannot be citizens without endangering our civilization; they cannot be sub- 
jects without imperiling our form of government; and as we are not willing 
to surrender our civilization, or to convert the republic Into an empire, we 
favor an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose, to give to the Fili- 
pinos, first, a stable form of government; second, indepeifhence; and third, 
protection from outside interference such as has been given for nearly a cen- 
tury to the Republics of Central and South America. 

^The greedy commercialism which dictated the Philippine policy of the Re- 
ipublican administration attempts to justify it with the plea that it will pay, 
'but even this sordid and unworthy plea fails when brought to the test of facts. 
|The war of "criminal aggression" against the FDipinos, entailing an annual 
(expense of many millions, has already cost more than any possible profit that 
could accrue from the entire Philippine trade for years to come. Furthermore, 
'when trade is extended at the expense of liberty the price is always too highj 


T^fritoCiial Expansion, \ 

Wo are not opposed ta)to'i;itoialj*35pansiou, when it, takes in desirable ter- 
ritory which can be ereetf^; i^ijoafe^ates in the Udiot, ariid, whose people are 
willing and fit to become skmesfijaan citizens. •WiR'fa'sjoi" trade expansion by ■ 
every lieacfeful and legitimate 'means. But we are unalterably opposed to the 
seizing or purchasing of distant islands to be governed outside the constitution 
and whose people can never become citizens. 

We are in favor of extending' the Republic's inlluence amon'^ the nations, 
Ijut believe that influence should be extended not by force and violence, but 
through the persuasive power of a, high and honorable example. 

The Paramount Issue. 

The Importance of other questions now pending before the American peo- 
ple is in no wise diminished and the Democratic party talJes no baclcWard 
step from its position on them; but the burning Issue of imperialism, grow- 
ing out of the Spanish war, involving the very existence of the Republic and 
the destruction, of our free institutions, wo regard as the paramount issue 
of the campaign. 

The Monroe Doctrine. 

The declaration of the Republican platform adopted at the Philadelphia 
convention held June, 1900, that the Republican party "steadfastly adheres to 
the policy announced in the Monroe doctrine," is manifestly insincere and 
deceptive. This profession is contradicted by the avowed policy of that party, 
In opposition to the spirit of the Monroe doctrine; to acquire and hold sov- 
ereignty over large areas of territory and large numbers of people in the 
eastern hemisphere. We insist on the strict maintenance of the Monroe doc- 
trine in all its Integifity, both in letter and in spirit, as nccessai-y to prevent 
the extension of European authority on these continents and as essential to 
our supremacy in Americnn affairs. At the same time we declare that no- 
American peoiJle shall ever be held by force in unwilling svftjeetiou to Euro- 
pean ftUthorKy. 

Opposition to Militarism. 

We oppose militarisfn. It means conquest abroad and intimidation and 
oppression at home. It means the strong arm which has ever been fatal to 
free institutions. It is what millions of our citizens have fled from in Europe. 
It will impose upon our peace-loving people a large standing army, an un- - 
necessary burden cf taxation, and would be a constant menace to their liber- 
ties. A small standing army and a well-discipUned state -militia are amply 
sufficient in time of peace. This Republic has no place for a vast military 
establishment, a sure forerunner of compulsory militai-y service and conscrip- 
tion. When the nation is in danger the volunteer soldier is his country's best 
defender. The fJational Guard of the United States should ever be cherished 
In the patriotic hearts of a free people. Such organizations are ever an cle- 


ment of strength and safety. F^r the first time in our histoiT and coeval 
with the Philippine conquest has there been V wholesale departure from our 
time-honored and approved system of volilnieer organization. We denounce 
it as un-American, undemocratic and unrepijbjie^in a^id as a subversion of the 
ancient and fixed principles of a free people. 

Trusts and Monopolies. 

Private monopolies are indefensible, and intolerable. They destroy compe- 
titiou, control the price of raw material and of the finished product, thus rob- 
bing both producer and consumer. They lessen the employment of labor and 
arliitrarily fix the terms and conditions thereof; and deprive individual energy 
andsmali capital of their opportunity for betterment. They are the most ef- 
ficient means yet devised for appropriating the fruits of industi-y to the ben- 
efit of the few at the expense p£ the many, and, unless their insatiate greed 
is checlied, all wealth will be aggregated in a few hands and the Republic 
destroyed. The dishonest paltering with the trust evil by the Republican par- 
ty in its state and national platforms is conclusive proof of the truth of the 
charge that trusts are the legitimate product of Republican policies, that they 
are fostered by Republican laws, and that they are protected by the Repub- 
, lican administration in return for campaign subscriptions and political sup- 
port. We pledge the Democratic party to an unceasing warfare in nation, 
state and city against private monopoly in every form. Existing laws against 
trusts must be enforced and more stringent ones must be enacted providing 
for publicity as to the affairs of coi-porations engaged in interstate com- 
merce and requiring all corporations to show, before doing business outside of 
the state of their origin, that they have no water in their stock, and that 
they have not attempted, and are not attempting, to monopolize any branch 
of business or the production of any articles of merchaijdise, and the whole 
constitutional power of congress over interstate commerce, the mails and alj 
modes of interstate communication, sliall be exercised by the enactment of 
comprehensive laws upon the subject of trusts.- Tariff laws should be amend- 
ed by putting the products of trusts upon tlie free list, to prevent monopoly 
under the plea of protection. The failure of the present Republican adminis- 
tration, with an absolute control over all the branches of the national gov- 
ernment, to enact any legislation designed to prevent or even curtail the ab- 
sorbing power of trusts and illegal combinations, or to enforce the aiiti-trust 
laws already on the statute boolis, proves the insincerity of the high-sounding 
phrases of the Republican platform. 

Corporations should be protected in all their rights and their legitimate in- 
terests should be respected, but any attempt by corporations to interfere with 
the public affaire of the people or to control the sovereignty which creates 
them, should be forbidden under such penalties as will make such attempts 


We condemn the Diogley tariff Ia.w as a trust-breeding measure, skillfully 

devised to give to tlm few .favors which they do not deserve, and to place 

Jiodw .R corx . . , , 

upon the many burdens which they should not bear. 

IntTSrstatS' Commerce Law. 

We favor such an enlargement of the scope of the interstate commerce law 
as will enable the commlssioi? to protect individuals and comnlunities from 
discriminations and the public from unjust and unfair transportation rates. 

American Financial System. 

We reaffirm and endorse the principles of the national Democratic platform 
adopted at Chicago in 1S96 and we reiterate the demand of that platform for 
an American financial system made by the American people for thetnselves, 
which shall restore and maintain a bimetallic price level, and as j)art of such 
system the immediate restoration of the free and unlimited coina'go of silver 
and gold at the present legal ratio pf sixteen to one, without waiting for the 
aid or consent of any other nation. 

Currency Law Denounced. 

We denounce the currency bill enacted at the last session of congress as a 
step forward In the ReEWblican policy which aims to discredit the sovereign 
right of the national government to issue all money, whether coin or paper, 
and to bestow upon national banks the power to issue and control the volume 
of paper money for their own benefit. A permanent national bank currency, 
secured by government bonds, must have a permanent debt to rest upon, and, 
if the banii currency is to Increase with population and business, the debt 
muse also increase. The Republican currency scheme is, therefore, a scheme 
for fastening upon the tax-payers a perpetual and growing debt for the ben- 
efit of the banks. We are opposed to this private corijoration paper circulated 
as money, but without legal tender QuaJities, and demand the retirement Of 
national bank notes as fast as government paper or Silver certificates can be 
substituted for them. 

Election of Senators by People. 

We favor an amendment to the federal constitution, providing for the elec- 
tion of United States senators by direct vote of the people, and we favor di- 
rect legislation wherever practicable. 

Government by Injunction. 

We are opposed to government by injunction; we; denounce, the blacklist, 
• and favor arbitration as a means of settling disputes between corporations and 
their employes. 

Department of Labor. 
In the interest of American labor and the upbuilding of the worklngman 
as the corner stone of the prosperity of our country, we recommend that Coa- 



gress create a department of labor, in cliarge of a secretary, with a seat in 
the cabinet, believing that the elevation of the American laborer will bring 
with it increased production and increased ^^fo^i)erfty to our country at home 
and to our commerce abroad. " ' 

Pensions for Soldiers. 

We are proud of the courage and fidelity of the American soldiers and 
sailors in all our wars; we favor liberal! pensions to them and their depend- 
ents; and we reiterate the position talien in the Chicago platform in 1806, 
that the fact of enlistment and service shall be deemed conclusive evidence 
against disease and disability before enlistment. 

Nicaraguan Canal. 
-We favor the immediate construction, ownership and control of the Nica- 
raguan canal by the United States, and we denounce the insincerity of the 
plank in the Republican national platform for an Isthmian canal, in the face 
, of the failure of the Republican majority to pass the bill pending in congress. 
We condemn the Hay-Pauncefote treaty as a surrender of American rights 
and interests, not to be tolerated by the American people. 

Statehood for Territories. 

We denounce the failure of the Republican party to carry out its pledges 
to grant statehood to the territories of Arizona, New Mexico and Oiilahoma, 
and we promise tSe people of those territories immediate statehood, and home 
rule during their condition as territories; and we favor home rule and a ter- 
ritorial form of government for Alaska and Porto Rico. 

Arid Lands of the West. 

We favor an intelligent system of improving the arid lands of the West, 
storing the waters for the pui-poses of irrigation, and the holding of such lands 
for actual settlers, 

Chinese Exclusion Law. 

We favor the continuance and strict enforcement of the Chinese exclusion 
law and its application to the same classes of all Asiatic races. 

Alliance With England. 

Jefferson said: "Peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations, 
entangling alliances with none." We approve this wholesome doctrine and 
earnestly protest against the Republican departure which has involved us in 
so-called world politics, including the diplomacy of Europe and the intrigue 
and land-grabbing in Asia, and we especially condemn the ill-concealed Re- 
publican alliance with England, which must mean discrimination against 
other friendly nations, and which has already stifled the nation's voice while 
liberty is being strangled in Africa,. 


South African Republics. 

-111/. '1111 <,. . r 

Believing in the prmcl]^^.3gJ^jS/5l%goverjiment and rejpctin^^^ its did our 
forefathers, the claiiiis of monarchy, we view wIth,.,i,ncllgnation,^he purpose 
of England to overwhelm with force the South African Republics. Speak- 
ing, as we believe, for the entire Amerieah nation, except its Republican office- 
holders, and for all free men everywhere, we extend our sympathy to the 
teroic Burghers in their uiipa,ual struggle to maintain tljeir liberty and in-- 

Republican Appropriations. • 

We denounce the lavish appropriations of recent Republican Congresses, 
■which have kept taxes high and which threaten the perpetuation of the op- 
pressive war levies. We oppose the accumulation of a surplus to be squan- 
dered in such barefaced frauds upon the tax^payers as the shipping subsidy • 
bill, which, under the false pretense of fostering American ship-building, 
would put unearned millions into the pockets of favorite contributors to the 
Republican campaign fund. 

' Repeal of the War Taxes. 

We favor the reduction and sipeedy repeal- of the war taxes, and a return 
to the time-honored Democratic policy of strict economy In government ex- 

Appeal to the People. 

Believing that our most cherished institutions are in great peril, that the 
very existence of our constitutional Republic is at stake, and that the deci- 
sion now to be rendered will determine whether or not our children are to 
enjoy those blessed privileges of free government which have made the 
United States great, prosperous and honored, we earnestly ask for the fore- 
going declaration of principles the hearty support of the libertj^loving . Amer- 
ican people, regardless of previous party affiliations. 




, Jl •■jli.lOOIJ 


Adopted, July, 1H96. 

. ,We, the Democrats of the tJnitetl States in National Convention assembled, 
do reaffirm our allegiance to those great essential principles of justice and 
liberty, upon which our institutions are founded, and -nhich the Democratic 
Party has advocated from JefEerson's time to our own— freedom of speech, 
freedom of the press, freedom of conscience, the preservation of personal 
rights, the equality of all citizens before the law, and the faithful observance 
of constitutional limitations. 

During all these years the Democratic Party has resisted the tendency 
of selfish interests to the centralization of governmental power, and stead- 
fastly maintained the integrity of the dual scheme of government established 
by the founders of this Republic of republics. Under its guidings and teach- 
ings the great principle of local self-government has found its best expression 
in the maintenance of the rights of the States and in Its assertion of the ne- 
cessity of confining the General Government to the exercise of the powers 
granted by the Constitution of the United States. 

The Constitution of the United States guarantees to every citizen the rights 
of civil and religious liberty. The Democratic Party has always been the ex- 
ponent of political liberty and religious freedom, and it renews its obligations 
and reaffirms its devotion to these fundamental principles of the Constitution, 

The Money Plank. 

Kecognizing that the money question is paramount to all others at this 
time, we invite attention to the fact that the Federal Constitution named 
silver and gold together as the money metals of the United States, and that 
the first coinage law passed by Congress under the Constitution made the 
silver dollar the monetary unit and admitted gold to free coinage at a. ratio 
based upon the silver-dollar unit. 

We declare that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver without the knowledge 
or approval of the American peoj)le has resulted in the appreciation of gold 
and a corresirondiDg fall in the prices of commodities produced by the peo- 
ple; a heavy increase in the bm-den of taxation and of all debts, public and 
private; the enrichment of the money-lending -clijss at home and abroad; the 
prostration of industry and impoverishment of the people. - 


We are unalterably opposed to monometallism wliicli Las locked fast the 
prosperity of an industrial people in the paralysis of hard times. Gold mono- 
metallism is a British policy, and its adoption has brought other nations into 
financial servitude to London. It is not only uu-American, but anti-American, 
and it can be fastened on the United States only by the stifling of that spirit 
and. love of liberty which proclaimed our political independence in 1776 and 
won it in th^War of the Revolution. 

We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the 
present legal ratio of 16 to 1 without waiting for the aid or consent of any 
other nation. We demand that the standard silver dollar shall be a full le- 
gal tender, equally with gold, for all debts, public and private, and we 
favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the demonetieation of 
any Isind of legal-tender money by private contract. 

We are opposed to the policy and practice of suiTenderlDg to the holders 
of the obligations of the United States the option reserved by law to the Gov- 
ernment of redeeming such obligations in either silver coin or gold coin. 

Interest-Bearing Bonds. 

We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of the United 
States in time of peace and condemn the trafficliing with Ijanlung syndi- 
cates, which, in exchange for bonds and at an enormous profit to themselves, 
supply the Federal Treasury with gold to maintain the policy of gold mono- 

Against National Banks. 

Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and President Jack- 
son declared that this power could not be delegated to corporations or indi- 
viduals. We therefore denounce the issuance of notes intended to circulate 
as money by National baulcs as in derogation of the Constitution, and we de- 
naand that all paper which is made a legal tender for public and private debts, 
or which is receivable for dues to the United States, shall be issued by the 
Government of the United States ahd shall be redeemable in coin. 

Tariff Resolution. 

We hold thnt tariff duties should be levied for purposes of revenue, such 
duties so adjusted as to operate equally throughout the country, and 
not discrlniinate between class or section, and that taxation should be limited 
by the needs of the Government, honestly and eeonomidally administered. We' 
denoupce as disturbing to business the Republican threat to restore the Mc- 
Kinley law, which has twice been condemned by the people in National elec- 
tions, and which, enacted under the false plea of protection to home industry, 
proved a prolific breeder of trusts and monopolies, enriched the few at the 
fexpehse of the many, restricted trade and deprived the producers of the great 
American Staples of access to their natural markets. 




Until the money question is settled we are opposed to any agitation for 
further changes in our tariff laws, except aucjh.iasi are necessary to meet the 
deficit in revenue caused by the adverse desisioniofithe Supreme Court on the 
income tax. 'But for this decision by the .Siif)reme- Court there would be no 
deficit in the revenue Under the law passed .by a Democratic Congress in 
strict pursuance of the uniform decisions of that court for nearly 100 years, 
that court having in that decision sustained Constitutional objections to its en- 
actment which had previously been overruled by the ablest Judges who have 
ever sat on Uiat bench. We declare that it is the duty of Congress to use all 
the Constitutional power which remains after that decision, or which may 
cbme'lerom its reversal l/y the court as it may hereafter be constituted, so that 
the burdens, of j^^Sffifiki may be equally and impar,tially laid, to the end that 
^^y ea-rth may i)6arite>due proportion of th'e expense of the Government. 

Immigration and Arbitration. 

We hold that th^most efficient way of protecting American labor is to pre- 
vent the importation of foreign pauper labor to compete with it in the home 
.Aiarket, and that the value of the hoine marliet to our American farmers and 
^rtisans is Itfeatly reduced by^a vicious monetary system which depresses 
the prices of their products below the cost of production, and thus deprives 
them of th^h'eans of purcl^Wng thg^oducts of our home manufactories; and 
as labor creates the wealth of tli^' comirry,%e*din!irJfiid the passage of such 
laws as may be necessary to protect it in all its rights. 

We are in favor of the arbitration of differences between employers en- 
gaged in interstate. commerce and tlieir employes, and recommend such leg- 
islation as is necessary to carry out this principle. 

Trusts and Pools. 

.' The absorption of wealth by the few, the consolidation of our leading rail- 
road systems, and the formation of trusts and pools require a stricter control 
by the Federal Government of those arteries of commerce. We demand the en- 
lai'gement of the powers of the Inter-State Commerce Commission and such re- 
rstriction and guarantees in the control of railroads as will protect the people 
from robbery and oppression. 

Declare for Economy. 

We denounce the proftigate waste of money wrung from the people by op- 
pressive taxation and the lavish expenditure of recent Republican Congresses, 
which have liept taxes high, while the labor that pays them is unemiiloyed and 
the products of the people's toil are depressed in price till they no longer re- 
pay the cost of production. We demand a return to that simplicity and econ- 
omy which befits a democratic Government and a reduction in the number of 
useless offices, the salaries of which drain the substance of the people. 


Federal Interference in Local Affairs, 

We denounce arbitrary. iBteEfoEfljK-e by Federal aulhorUies in local affairs 
as _a violation of the GoMtiintiraiSBijahe jTUnlted States and a,. crime against 
free institutions, and ws eapsasa^<',o'biect to . governraant ';by injunction as a 
uew and highly dangerous fonirj'ofi;.oppression by' wWch -Federal judges, in con- ■ 
tempt ol! the laws of the States 'and rights of citizens, become at on.ce leg- , 
islators, judges, and executioners^ and we approve the bill passed at the last 
session of the United States Senate, and now peliding in the House of Eep- 
resentatives, relatlje to contempts in Federal courts and providing for trials 
by jury In certain cases of contempt. 

Pacific Railroad. 

No discrimination should be indulg'ed. in by the Government of the TJnlted 
States in favor of any of its debtors. We approve of the refusal of the F.if ty- 
third Congress to pass the Pacific Railroad Funding bill And denounce the ef- 
fort of the present Republican Congress to enact a similar - measure* 


Recognizing the just claims of deserving Union soldiers, we heartily in- 
dorse the rule of the present Commissioner of Pensions, that no names shall 
be arbitrarily^ dropped from the pension roll; and the fact of enlistment and 
service should ,bp deemed concl^isive evidence against disease and disability 
before enlistment. 

Admission of Territories. 

We favor the admission of the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona, and 
Oklahoma into the Union as States, and we favor the earljr admission of all 
the Territories having the necessary population and resources to entitle them 
"to Statehood, and, while they remain Territories, we hold that the officials ap- 
pointed to administer the government of any Tei-ritory, together with the Dis- 
trict of Columbia and Alaska, should be bona fide residents of the Territory or 
District In which their duties are to be performed. The Democratic party 
believes in home rule and that all public lands- of the United States should 
be appropriated to the establishment of free homes for American citizens. 

We recommend that the 'Territory of Alaska be granted a delegate in Con- 
gress and that the general land and timber laws of the United States be ex- 
tended to said Territory. 

Sympathy for Cuba. 

The Monroe Doctrine, as originally declared, and as interpreted by succecd- 
.ing Presidents, is a permanent part o,f the foreign policy of the United States 
and fliust at all times be maintained. ' . - 

We extend our sympathy., tp the people of Cuba in their heroic struggle 
for liberty and independence. 



Civil-Sorvice Laws. 

We are opposed to life tenure in the public service, except as provided in 
the Constitution. We favor appointments based on merit, fixed terms of of- 
fice, and such an administration of the civil-service laws as will afiord equal 
opportunities to all citizens of ascertained fitness^ 

Third-Term Resolution. 

We declare it to be the unwritten law of this EepuWie, established by 
custom and usage of 100 years and sanctioned by the examt)les of the great- 
est and wisest of those who founded and have maintained our Government, 
that no man should be eligible for a third term of the Presidential ofiice. 

Improvement of Waterways. 

The Federal Government should care for and improve the Mississippi 
River and other great waterways of the Republic, so as to secure for the in- 
terior States easy and cheap transpoi'tation to tide water. When any water- 
way of the Republic is of suflicient importance to demand aid of the Govern- 
ment, such aid should be extended upon a definite plan of continuous worli 
until permanent improvement is secured. 


Confiding in the justice of our cause and the necessity of Its success at 
the polls, we submit the foregoing declaration of principles and purposes to 
the considerate judgment of the American people. We invite the support of 
all citizens who approve them and who desire to have them made effective 
through legislation, for the relief of the people and the restoration of the 
country's prosperity. 



The following is the full text of the speech delivered by Hon. William Jen- 
nings Bryan at, Indianapolis, accepting the Democratic nomination for Pres- 
ident of the United States: . ' 
"Mr. Chairman and members of the notification committee: 

"I shair at an early day and in a more formal manner accept the nomina- 
tion -whicii you tender, and I shall at that time discuss the various questions 
covered by the Democratic platform. It may not be out of place, however, to 
submits* few oljservations at this time upon the general character of the -con- 
test before us and upon the question which is declared to be of paramount im- 
portance in this campaign. 

"Wlien I say that the contest of 1900 is a contest between democracy on 
the one hand and plutocracy on the other, I do not mean to say that all our 
opponents have deliberately chosen, to give to organized wealth a predominat- 
ing iufluonce in the affairs of tiie government^ but I do assert that on the im- 
portant issues of the day the Republican party is dominated by those in- 
fluences which constantly tend to substitute the worship of mammon for the 
protection of the rights of man. 

"In 1859 Lincoln said that the Republican party believed in the man and the 
dollar, -ifut that in case of conflict it believed in the man before the dollar. 
This is the proper relation which should exist between the two. Man, the 
handiwori^ of God, comes first; money, the handiworli of man, is of Inferior 
importance. Man is the master; money the servant; but upon all important 
questions to-day Republican legislation tends to malie money the master and 
man the servant. 

"The maxim of Jefferson, 'Equal rights to all and special privileges to none,' 
and the dot-trine of Lincoln that this should be a government 'of the people, 
by the people, and for the people' are being disregarded, and the instrumental- 
ities of government are being used to advance the interests of those who are 

In a position to secure favors from the government. 


No War on Thrift. 

•"The Democratic party is not making war upon the honest acquisition of 

wealth: it has no desire to discourage Industry, economy, and thrift. On the 



I contrary, it gives to every citizen tlie greatest possible stimulus to Iionest toll, 
wlien it promises liim protection in tiie enjoyment ol the proceeds of his la- 
borj Property riglits are most secure wliea liuman riglits are most respected. 
Democracy strives for a civilization in wliich every member of society will 
share according to his merits. 

'"No one has a right to expect from society more than a fair compen- 
isation for the services which he renders to society. If he secnres 
more, it is at the' expense of some one else J It is no injustice to him 
to prevent his doing injustice to another. To him who would, either 
through class legislation or in the absence of necessary legislation, 
trespass upon the rights of another, the Democratic party says 'Thou 
shalt not.' 

"Against us are arrayed a comparatively small, but»politically and financial- 
ly Howerful, number, who really profit by Republican policies; but with them 
are associated a large number who, because of their attachment to the party 
name, are giving tJieir support to doctrines antagonistic to the former teach- 
ings of their own party. 

Republican Inconsistencies. 

Repuhlicans who used to advocate bimetallism now try t^ con- 
vince theiuselves that the gold standard Is good; Republicans who 
were formerly attached to the greenback are now seclviug all excuse for giv- 
ing national banks control of the nation's paper money; Republicans who used 
to boast that the Republican party was paying off the national debt, are now 
looliing for reasons to support a perpetual and increasing debt; 
Republicans who formerly abhorred a trust, now beguile themselves 
with the delusion that there are good trusts and bad trusts, 
while in ' their minds the line between the two is becoming more 
and more obscure; Republicans who, In times past, congratulated the 
country upon the small expense of our standing army, are now making liglit 
of the objections which are urged against a large increase in the permanent 
military establishment; rtepublicans who gloried in our independence when 
the nation was less powerful, now look with favor upon a foreign alliance; Re- 
publicans who, tliree years ago, condemned 'forcible annexation' as immoral 
and even criminal, are now sure that it is both immoral and criminal to op- 
pose forcible annexation. That partisanship has already blinded many to 
present dangers is certain; how large a portion of the Republican party can 
be drawn over to the new policies remains to be seen. 

"For a time Republican leaders were inclined to deny to opponents the 
right to criticise the Philippine policy of the administration, but upon Investi- 
gation they found tliat botli Ijincoln and Clay asserted and exercised the right 
to criticise a President during the progress of the Mexican War. 

"Instead of meeting the issue boldly and submitting a clear and positive 
plan for dealing witli the I'ljilippiue question, the RepubUoaji couveuti^n 


adopted a platform the larger part of which was devoted to boasting and self- 
congratulation. - ; 

Evasive Republican Policy. 

"In atlomyting to press economic questions upon the country to tlie exclu- 
sion of those which involve the very structure of our government, the Repub- 
lican leaders give new evidence of tiieir abandonment of the earlier ideals of 
the party, and-of their complete subserviency tq pecunia-ry considerations. 

''But tliey sliall not be permitted to evade the stupendous and far- 
reaching issue ivhich they have deliberately brought into the arena of 
politics. When, the President, supported by a practically unanimous vote 
of the' House and Senate, entered upon a war with Spain for the purpose of 
aiding the stijuggling patriots of Cuba, the country, without regard to party, 

Although the Democrats realized that the administration would necessarily 
gain a political advantage from the conduct of a war which, in the very nature 
of the case, must soon end in a complete victory, they vied with the-Republi- 
cans in the support Which they gave to the President. When the war was over 
and the Republican leaders Uegai to suggest tne propriety of a colonial policy, 
opposition at once manifested itself. 

, "When the President finally laid before the Senate a treaty which recog- 
nized the independence of Cuba, but provided for the cession of the PMlippine 
Islands to the United States, the menace of imperialism became so apparent 
that many preferred to reject; the treaty and rislj the ills^that might follow 
ratlier thian talie the chance of correcting the errors of the treaty by the inde- 
pendent actipn of this country. 

Winy the Treaty Was Ratified. 

^'t -Was among the number of those who believed it better to ratify the treaty / 
and end the war, release the volunteers, remove the excuse for wai." expendi- 
tures, and then give to the Filipinos the independence which might be forcea 
from Spain by a now treatyf- 

"in view of the criticisln which my action aroused in some quarters I take 
this occasion to restate the reasons ^iven at that time. 1 thought it' safer td. 
trust the American people to give independence to the Filipinos than to trust . 
the accomplishment of that purpose to diplomacy with an unfriendly natioiy 
I/lncoln embt^ied an argument in the question, when he aslied, 'Can aliens 
malie treaties easier than friends can make laws?' I believe that we are now 
ip a better position to wage a successful contest against imperialism tnan we 
would have been hart the treaty been rejected. With the treaty ratified, a 
clean-cut issue Is presented between a government by consent and a govern- 
ment by force, and imperialists must bear the responsibility for all that hap- 
pens until the question is settled. ' 
If the treaty had been rejected, the opponents of imperialism would have 
been held responsible f Or any international complications whicli might have 


■arisen before the rntiflcation of another treaty. But whatever difference of 
opinion may have existed as to the best method of opposing a colonial policy, 
there never was any difference as to the great importance, of the question, and 
there is no difference now as to the course to be pursued. 

How the War Might Have Been Averted. 

"The title of Spain being extinguished, we were at liberty to deal with the 
Filipinos according to American principles. The Bacon resolution, introduced 
a month before hostilities broke out sft Manila, promised independence to the ' 
Filipinos on the same terms that it was promised to the Cubans. I supijorted 
this resolution and believe tliat its adoption prior to the brealiing out of hos- 
tilities would have prevented bloodshed, and that its adoption at any subse- 
quent time would have ended hostilities. 

"If the treaty had been rejected, considerable time would have necessarily 
elapsed before a new treaty could have been agreed upon and ratified, and 
during that time the question would have "been agitating the public mind. If 
the Bacon resolution had been adopted by the Senate and carried out by the 
President, either at the time of the ratilication of the treaty, or at any time af- 
tei-ward, it would have taken the question of imperialism out of polities and 
left the American people free to deal with their domestici problems. But the 
resolution was defeated by the vote of the Republican Vice-President, and 
from that time to this a Republican Congress has refused to take any action 
whatever in the matter. ; ; 

"When hostilities' broke out at Manila, Republican speakers and RepuWl- 
, can editors at once sought to lay the blame upon those who had delayed the 
ratification of the treaty, and, during the progress of the war, the same Repub- 
licans have accused the opponents of imperialism of giving encouragement 
to the Filipinos. This is a cowardly evasion of responsibility. 

"If it isjight for the United States to hold the Philippine Is]ands perma- 
nently and imitate European empires in thfe government of colonies, the Re- 
publican party, ought to state its position and defend it, but it must expect tlie 
suBjqct races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the extent of their 


The United States a Moral Force. 

"*he Filipinos do not need any encouragement from Americans now 
living. Our whole history has been an enconragemenl^ not only to 
the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a iroice in their own govern- ^ 
ment. If the Republicans are prepared to censure all who have used 
language calculated to make the Filipinos hate foreign domination, 
let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered 
that passionate appeal, 'Give me liberty or give me death,' he expressed 
a sentiment which still echoes in the hearts of men. 

"Let them censure Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none 
has used words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in 


political bondage. liet tliem censure Washington, who declared that 
the colonies must choose between liberty and slavery. Or, if the 
statute of limitations has run against the ^ins of Henry and Jefferson 
and Washington, let them censure Z^lncoln, whose Gettysburg speech 
will be quoted in defense of popular government when the present 
advocates of force and conquest are forgotten. 

"Some one lias said that a truth once spoken can. never be recalled. 
It goes ou'and ou, and no one can set a limit to its ever-widening in- 
fluence. But if it were possible to obliterate every word written or spoken 
in defense of tlie principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, a war 
of conquest would still leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for It was God 
Himself who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made 
a race of people so low in the scale of civilization or intelligence that it would 
welcome a foreign master. 

Effect of Imperial Issue at Homo. 

'^^lose who would have tliis nation enter upon a career of empire must con-i 
sider not only the effect of imperialism On the Filipinos, but they must; also 
calculate its effect upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principles 1 
of self-government in the Philippines without weakening that principle here. ( 

"Lincoln said that the safety of this pation was not in its fleets, its armies, 
its forts, but in the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, J 
iu all lands, everywhere; and he warned his countrymen that they could not/ 
destroy this spirit without planting the seeds of despotism at their own doors. i 

"Even now we are beginning to see the paralyzing influence of imperialism. 
Heretofore this nation has been prompt to express its sympathy with those 
who were fighting for civil liberty. While our sphere of activity has been lim- 
ited to the Western hemisphere, our sympathies have not been bounded by the 
seas. We have felt it due to ourselves and to the world, as well as to those 
who were struggling for the right to govern themselves, to proclaim the inter- 
est which our people have, from the date of their own independence, felt in ev- 
ery contest between human rights and arbitrary power. 

"Three-quarters of a century ago, when our nation was small, the struggles of Greece 
aroused our people, and Webster and Ckty gave eloquent expression to the universal de- 
sire for Grecian independence. In 1896 all parties manifesled a lively interest in the 
success of the Cubans, but now, when a war is in progress in South Africa, which mus^ 
result in the extension of the monarchical 'idea or in the triumph of a republic, the ad- 
vocates of imperialism in this country dare not say a word in'behalf of the Boeri. - 

"Sympathy for the Boers does not arise from any unfriendliness toward 
England; the American people are not unfriendly toward the people of any 
nation. This sympathy is due to the fact that, as stated in our platform, we 
b(^ieve in the principles of self-government and reject, as did our forefathers, 
the claims of monarchy. If this nation surrenders its belief In the universal 
application of the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence, it 


will lose the prestige and influence which it has enjoyed among the nations 
as an exponent of popular government. 

Expansion Cor\trastecl With Imperialism. 

"^ur opponents, conscious ol; the wealiuess .of their cause, seel£ to confuse 
pmperialism with expansion^, and have even dared to claim Jefferson as a sup- 
porter of their policy. Jefferson spol^e so freely and used language with such 
precision that no one can be ignorant of his views. . On one occasion he de- 
cln''"(l: 'If there he one ijrinciple more deeply rooted than any other in the 
mind, of every American, it is that we should have nothing to do with con- 
quest.' And again he said: 'Couciuest is not In our principles; it Is Inconsist- 
ent -nlth our government.' 

•■'The forcible annexation >of territory to be governed by arbitrary" power, 
Idiffers as much from the acquisition of territory to be built up Into States as 
.a monarchy differs from a democracy. 'The Democratic party does not op- 
(pose expansion, when expansion enlarges the area of the republic aod incorp.o- 
1 rates lamj which can be settled by American citizens, or adds to our popula- 
jlion people who are willing to become citizens, and are capable of discharging, 
their duties as suchj The acquisition of the Loui-siana: territory, Florida, Tex- 
as, and other tracts which have been secured from time to time, enlarged the 
republic, and the Constitution followed the flag into the new territory. It is 
cow proposed to seize upon distant territory already more densely populated 
than our own country, and to force upon the people a government for which 
there is no warrant in our Constitution or our laws. 

Whites and the Tropics. 

"Even the argument tliat this earth belongs ' \6 those who 
desire to cultivate it, and who have the physical power to ac- 
quire it, cannot be involied to justify the appropriation of the Phil- 
ippine Islands by the United States. If the islands were uninhabited Ameri- 
can citizens would not be willing to go there and till the soil. The white race 
will, not live so near the equator. Other nations have tried to colonize in tlie 
same latitude. The Ketlurlands have controlled Java for 300 years, and yet to-day 
there are less than 60,000 people of European birth scattered among tlie 25,000,000 

"After a century and a half of English domination in India, less than one-tweiitieth 
of 1 per cent, of the people of India are of English birth, and it requires an army of 
70,000 Srilish soldiers to take care of the tax collectors. Spain had asserted title to the 
Philippine Islands for three centuries, and yet, when our fleet entered Manila Bay, there- 
were less than 10,000 Spaniards residing in the Philippines. 

"A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippine Islands a few 
traders, a few task masters, and a few office-holders, and an army laro-e 
enough to support the authority of a sm-all fraction of ■ the people while thjy' 
rule tile natives. 


"If we have an Imperial policy we must have a great standing army as its 
natural and necessary complement. The spirit which will justify the forcible 
^nexation of the Philippine Islands will justify the seizure of other Islands 
and the domination of other people, and with wars of conquest we can expect 
a certain, if not rapid, growth of our military establishment. 

That a large permanent increase in our regular army is intended by Republi- 
can leaders is not a matter of conjecture, but a matter of fact. In his message 
of December 5, 1898, the President asked for authority to increase the stand- 
ing army to 100,000. In 1896 the army contained about 25,000. Within two 
years the President asked for four times that many, and a Republican House 
of Representatives complied with the request, after the Spanish treaty had 
been signed, and when no country was at war with the United States., ' ' 

The Menace of a Standing Army. . 

"If such an army is demanded, when an imperial policy is con- 
templated, but not openly avowed, what may be expected if the people en- 
courage the Republican party by indorsing its policy at the polls? A large 
6tan.ding army is not only a pecuniary burden to the people, and, if accompan- 
ied by compulsory' service, a constant source of irritation, but it Is ever a rnen- 
ace to a republican form of government. 

"The army is the personification oif force, and militarism will inevitably 
change the ideals of the people and turn the thoughts of our young men from 
the arts of peace to the science' of war. The government which relies for its 
defense upon its citizens is more likely to be just than one which has at call 
a large body of professional soldiers. i 

"A small standing army and a well-equipped and well-disciplined State mili- 
tia are sufficient ^t ordinary times, and in an emergency the nation should la 
the f uturq, as in the past, place its dependence upon the volunteers who come 
from all occupations at their country's call, and return to productive labor 
when their services are no longer required— men who fight when the country 
needs ighters, and work when the country needs workers. 

"The Republican platform assumes that the Philippine Islands will be re- 
tained under American sovereignty, and we have a right to demand of the 
Republican leaders a discussion of Ihe future status of the Filipino. Is he to 
be a citizen or a subject? Are we to bring into the body politic eight or ten 
ipillldn Asiatics, so diffei'ent from us in race and history that amalgamation is 
impossible? Are they to share with us in making the laws and shaping the 
destiny of this nation? No Republican of prominence has been bold enough to 
advocate such a proposition. 

Citizen or Subject. 

"The McEnery resolution, adopted by the Senate immediately after the rati- 
fication of the treaty, e.'cpressly negatives this idea. The Democratic platform 
described the situation' when it says that .the FiUpinos cannot be citizens 


without endangering oiu' civilization. Who will dispute it? And what is -the 
alternative? If the Filipino is not to be a citizen, shall we make him a sub- 
ject? On that Question the Democratic platform spealis with equal ehiphasls^ 
It declares that the Filipino cannot be a subject without endangering our foi-m 
of government. 

"A republic can have no subjects, A subject is possible only In a gov- 
ernment resting upon force; he is unknown in a government deriving its just 
powers from the consent of the governed. The Republican platform says that 
'the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and our 
duties shall be secured to tliem (the Filiijinos) by law.' This is a strange doc- 
trine for a government which owes its very existence to the men who of- 
fered their lives as a protest against government without consent and taxa- 
tion without representation. 

"In i^hat respect does the position of the Republican party differ 
from the position taken by the English government in 1776? Did 
not the English government promise a good government to the colo- 
nists? What King ever promised a bad government to his people? 
Did not the English government promise that the colonists should 
have the largest measure of self-government consistent ivith . their 
ivelfare and English duties? Did not the Spanish government prom- 
ise to give to the Cubans the largest measure of self-government cour 
sistent -with their -nrelfare and Spanish duties? The -whole difference 
between a monarchy and a republic may be summed up in one sen- 
tence: In a monarchy the King gives to the people what he believes 
to be a good government; in a. republic the ^people secure for them- 
selves w^hat they believe to be a good government. 

Republicans Imitate George HI. 

"The Republican party has accepted the European idea and plaiited itself 
upon ground taken by George III and by every ruler who distrusts the capacity 
of the people for self-government or denies them a voice in their own affairs. 

"The Republican platform promises that some measure of self-government 
Is to be given to the Filipinos by law; but even this pledge is not fulhlled. 
Nearly sixteen- mont^bs elaipsed after the ratification of the treaty before" the 
Adjournment of Congress last June, and yet no law was passed dealing with 
the Philippine situation. The will of the President has been the only law in 
the Phihppine Islands wherever the American authority extends. 
' "Why does' the Republican party hesitate to legislate upon the Philippine 
question? Because a law would disclose the radical departure from history 
and precedent. contemplated by those who control the Republican party. The 
storm of protest which greeted the Porto Rican bill was an indication of what 
may be expected when the American people are brought face to face with 
legislation upon this subject. 

"If the Porto Ricans, who welcomed annex-ation, are to be de- 
nied the guarantees of our Constitution, what is to be the lot of the Filipinos 


who resisted our authority? If secret influences could compel a disregard of 
our plain duty toward friendly people, living near our shores, what treatment 
will those same Influences provide for unfriendly people 7,000 miles away? 
If, in this counti-y, where the people have a right to vote. Republican lead- 
ers dare not take the side of the people against the great monopolies which 
have grown up within the last few years, how can they be trusted to pDO- 
tect the Filipinos from the corporations which are waiting to exploit the I'S- 

Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philippines. 

"Is the sunlight of full citizenship to he enjoyed by the people of the United Stales and 
tlte twilight of semi-ciiizenship endured by the people of Porto Rico, while the thick dark- 
ness of perpetual vassalage covers the Philipjnnes ? The Pprto Rico tariff law asserts tlie 
doctrine that the operation of the Constitution is donfined to the forty-five States. ■ > 

"The Democratic party disputes this doctrine and^ denounces it as repug- 
nant to both the letter and spirit of our oi'ganic law. There is no place in oi;ir 
system of government for the deposit of arbitrary and Irresponsible poWet. 
That the leaders of a great party siiould claim for any President or Congi'ess 
the right to treat millions of people as mere 'possessions' and deal with tliem 
unrestrained by the Constitution' or the bill of rights, sliows how far we hate 
already departed from the ancient landmarlis, and indicates what may be 
exisected if this nation deliberately enters upon a career of empire. 

"The ferrltorial form of government is temporary and preparatory, and the 
chief security of a citizen of a territory is found in the fact that he enjoys the 
same constitutional guarantees and is subject to the same general laws 
as a citizen of a State. Talie away this security and his rights will Be 
violated and his interests sacrificed at the . demand of those who have 
political influence. This is the evil of the colonial system, no matter by 
what nation it is applied. 

The Flaw in Our Title. 

"What is our title to the Philippine Islands? Do we hold them by treaty 
or by conquest? Did we buy them or did we talve them? Did we purchase 
the people? If not, how did we secure title to them? Were they thrown ia 
with the land? Will the Republicans say that inanimate earth has value, but 
when that earth is molded by the divine hand aud'stamijed with the lilceness 
of the creator it becomes a fixture, and passes with the soil? If governments 
derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, it Is impossible to 
secure title to people, either by force or by purchase. 

" We could extinguished Spain's title by treaty, but if we hold title we must hold it by 
tome method consistent with our ideas of government. When we made allies of the Fil- 
ipinos and armed them' to fight against Spain, we disputed Spain's title. If we 6ujj 
Spain's title we are not irvaocent purchaseri. 


"There can be no doubt that we accepted and utilized the services of the . 
Filipinos, and that when we did so we had full knowledge that they were 
fighting for their own independence, and I submit that history furnishes no 
example of turpitude baser than ours if we now substitute our yoke for the 
Spanish yoke. 

"I-et us consider briefly the reasons which hare been given in support of 
an imperialistic policy. Some say that it is our duty to hold the Philippine Is- 
la'nds. But duty is ndt an argument; it is a conclusion. To ascertain what 
our duty Is in any emergency we must apply well-settled and generally ac- 
cepted principles. It is our duty to avoid stealing, bo matter whether the 
thing to be stolen is of great or little value. It is our duty to avoid killing 
a human being, no matter where the human being lives or to what race or 
clafes he belongs. 

The Argument of "Duty." 

"Every one recognizes the obligation imposed upon Individuals to observe 
both the human and the moral law, but as some deny the application of those ' 
laws to nations, it may not be out of place to quote the opinions of others. ■ 
Jefferson, than whom there is no higher political authority, said: 

" 'I know of but one code of morality for men, ivhether acting 
singly or collectively.' 

" Franklin, whose learning, wisdom and virtue are a part of the 
priceless legacy hegueathed to ns from the Kevolutionary days, ex- 
pressed the same idea in even stronger language w^hen he said: 

" 'Justice is as strictly due between neighbor nations as between, 
neighbor citizens. A highwayman is as much a. robber when he plun- 
ders in a gang as when singly; and the nation that makes an unjust 
war is only a great gang.' 

"Many may dare to do in crowds what they would not dare to do as indi- 
viduals, but the moral character of an act is not determined by the number 
of those who join it. Force can defend a right, but force has never yet cre- 
ated a right. If it was true, as declared in the resolutions of intervention, 
that the Cubans 'are and of right ought to be free and independent,' (lan- 
guage taken from the Declaration of Independence), it is equally true that the 
Filipinos 'are and of right ought to be free and independent.' 

The Right to Freedom. 

"The risht of the Cubans to freedom was not based upon their proximity to 
the United States, nor upon the language which they spoke, nor yet upon the 
race or races to which they belonged. Congress by a practically unanimous 
vote declared that the principles enunciated at Philadelphia in 1776 were still 
alive and applicable to the Cubans. 

"Who will draw a line between the natural rights of the Cubans and the 
Filipinos? Who will say that the former has a right to liberty and the 
latter has no rights which we are bound to respect? Aadj if the FUipinoa 


'are and of right ought to be free and independent,' what right have we to 
force our government upon them without their consent? Befwe our duty 
can be ascertained, their rights must be determined, and when their rights are 
once determined, it is as much our duty to respect those rights as it was the 
duty of Spain to respect the rigllts of the people of Cuba or the duty, of 
England to respect the rights of the Anierican colonists. Rights never con- 
flict; duties never cl&.sh. Can it be our duty to usurp political rights which 
belong to others? Can it be our duty to Icill tliose who, following the example 
of our forefathers, love liberty well enough to fight for it? , ' 

"Some poet has described the terror which overcame a soldier who, In the 
midst of battle, discovered that he had slain his brother. It is written, 'All 
ye are brethren.' Let us hope for the coming of the day when human life— 
which when once destroyed cannot be restored— wUl be so sacred that it will 
never be taken except when necessary topunish a crime already committed 
or to prevent a crime about to be committed! 

"If it Is said that we have assumed before the world obligations which 
make It necessary for us to permanently maintain a government in the Phil- 
ippine Islands, I reply, first, that the highest obligation of tnis nation is to 
be true to itself. No obligation to any particular nation or to all nations com- 
bined can require the abandonment of our theory of government and the 
substitution of doctrines against which our whole national life has been a 
protest. And, second, that our oljKgation to the Filipinos, who inhabit the 
islands, is greater than any obligation which we can owe to foreigners who 
have a temporary residence in the Philippines or desire to trade there. 

"It is argued by some that the Filipinos are incapable of self-government, 
and that, therefore, we owe it to the world to take control of them. Admiral 
Dewey in an official report to the Navy Department declared the Filipinos \ 
more capable of self-government than the Cubans, and said that he based his 
opinion upon a knowledge of both races. But I will not rest the case upon the 
, relative advancement of the Filipinos. Henry Clay, in defending the rights 
of the people of South America to self-government, said: 

."The Argument of Thrones." 

" 'It is the doctrine of thrones that man is too ignorant to govern himself. Their par- 
tisans assert his incapacity in reference to all nations; if they cannot command universal 
assent to the proposition, it is then remanded to particular nations; and our pride and 
our presumption too often make converts of us. I contend that it is to arraign the dis- 
position of Providence Himself to suppose that He has created beings incapable of gover- 
ning themselves and to be trampled on by kings. Self-government is the natural govern- 
ment of man.' 

"Clay was right. There are decrees of proficiency in the art of self-govern- 
ment, but it is a reflection upon the Creator to say that He denied to any peo- 
ple the capacity of self-government. Once admit that some people are capable 
of self-government and that others are not, and that the cap-able people have 


a right to seize upon and govern the incapaWe, and you make force— brute 
force— the only foundation of government and invite the reign of the despot, 
I am not willing to believe that an all-wise and an all-loving God created the 
Filipinos and then, left them thousands of years helDless until the islands at-, 
tracted. the attention of European oations. 

"Republicans ask: 'Shall we haul down the flag that floats over our dead 
in the Philippines?' The same question might have been asked when the 
American flag floated over Ghapultapee and waved over the dead who fell 
there; but the tourist who visits the City of Mexico finds there a national cem- 
etery owned by the United States and cared for by an American citizen. Our 
flag still floats over our dead, but when the treaty with Mexico was signed, 
American authority withdrew to the Rio Grande, and I venture the opinion 
that during the last fifty years the people of Mexico have made more progress 
under the stimlilus of independence and self-government than they would have 
made under a carpet-bag government held in place by bayonets. The United 
States and Mexico, friendly republics, are each stronger and happier than 
they would have been had the former been cursed and the latter crushed by 
an imperialistic policy disguised, as 'benevolent assimilation.' 

Might and Right. 

" 'Can we not govern colonies?' we are asked. The question is not what we 
can do, but what we ought to do. This nation can do whatever it desires to do, 
bat it must accept responsibility for what it does. If the Constitution stands 
in the way, the people can amend the Constitution. I repeat, the nation can 
do whatever it desires to do, but it cannot avoid the natural and legitimate 
results 'of its own conduct. 

" The young man upon reaching his majority can do vrhat he pleases. 
He can disregard tlie teachings of his parents; he can trample upon 
all that he has been taught to consider sacred; he cam disobey the laws 
of the state, the laws of society, and the laws of God. He can stamp 
failure upon his life and make his very existence a curse to his fellow 
men, and he can bring his father and mother in sorrow to the grave; 
but he cannot annul the sentence, 'The wages of sin is death.' 

"And so with this nation. It is of age, and it can do what it pleases. 
It can spurn the traditions of the past; it can repudiate the princi- 
ples upon which the nation rests; it can employ force instead of rea- 
son; it can substitute might for right; it can conquer weaker people; 
it can exploit their lands, appropriate their property, and kill their 
people; but it cannot repeal the moral law or escape the punishment 
decreed for the violation of human rights. 

iWouia we tread in the paths of tyranny, 

Nor reckon the tyrant's opstv 
iWho taketh another's liberty. 

His freeflora is also lost. 
iWould we win as the strong have ever won, 

Make ready to pay the debt; 
For the God who reigned over Babylon 

Is tlie God who is reigning yet. 


We Dare Not Educate the Filipinos. 

' "Some argue that American rule in the Philippine Islands will result in the 
better education of the Filipinos. Bo not deceived. If we expect to maintain 
a colonial policy, we shall not find it to our advantage to educate the people. 
The educated Filipinos are now in revolt against us, and the , most Ignorant 
ones have made the least resistance to our domination. If we are to govern 
them without their .consent and give them no voice in determining the taxes 
which they must pay, we dare not educate them, lest they learn to read the 
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States and 
mock us for our inconsistency. 

/^he principal arguments, however, advanced by those who enter upon a 
defense of imperialism are^r 

"First— That we must Improve the present opportunity to become a world 
power and enter into international politics. 

"Second-^hat our commercial interests in the Philippine Islands and in 
the Orient malie it necessary for us to hold the Islands permanently. 

"Third— That the spread of the Christian religion will be facilitated by a 
colonial policy. 

"Fourth— That there Is no honorable retreat from the position which the 
nation has taken. 

"The first argument is addressed to the nation's pride and the second to 
the nation's pocketbook. The third is Intended for the church member and 
the fourth for the partisan. 

Our Place inWorld Politics. 

"It is a sufiicient answer to the first argument to say that for more than a 
century this nation has been a world power. For ten decades it has been the 
most potent influence in the world. Not only has if been a world power, but it 
has done more to affect the politics of the human race than all the Other na- 
tions of the world combined. Because our Declaration of Independence was 
promulgated, others have been promulgated; because the patriots of 1776 
f6ught for liberty, others have fought for it; because our Constitution was 
adopted, other constitutions have been adopted. ■ 


"The growth of the principle of self-government planted on Amer- 
ican soil has been the overshadowing political fact of the nineteenth 
century. It has made this nation conspicuous among the nations, and 
given it a place in history such as no other nation has ever enjoyed. 
Nothing has been able to check the outirard march of this idea. I am 
not Trilling that this natioit shall cast aside the omnipotent weapon 
of truth to seize again J:he Tveapons of physical warfare. I -would not 
exchange the glory of this republic for the glory of' all the empires 
that have risen and fallen since time, began. 

"The pt'nnanent cliairman of the last Republican National Convention pre- 
sented the pecuniary argument in all its baldness, when he said: 



" 'We make no hypocritical pretfinses of being interested iu -tlie Pliilippmes 
solely on account of others. While we regard the welfare of those people as 
a sacred trust, we regard the welfare of the American people first. We see our 
duty to ourselves as well as to others. We believe in trade expansion. By 
every legitimate means within the province of government and Constltutiqitf; 
we mean to stimulate the expansion of our trade, and open new markets.? • . 

"This is the commercial argument. It is based upon fhe theory that tyar 
can be rightly waged for pecuniary advantage, and that it is profitable to 
purchase trade by force and violence. Franklin denied both of these proposi- 
tions. When Lord Howe asserted that the acts of Parliament which Drought 
on the Revolution were necessary to prevent American trade from passing 
into foreign cliannels, Franklin rexjlied: 

Franklin on Bartering Blood for Trade, 

"Pro me it seems that neither the obtaining nor retaining of any trade, how- 
soever valuable, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's 
blood; that the true and sure means of extending, and securing commerce are 
the goodness and cheapness of commodities, and that the profits of no trade 
can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it and holding it by fleets and 
armies. I consider this war against us, therefore, as both unjust and un- 
■wisej • 

"I place the philosophy of Franldin against the sordid doctrine of those 
who would put a price upon the life of an American soldier and justify a war 
of conquest upon the ground that it will pay. The Democratic party is in fa- 
vor of the expansion of trade. It would extend our trade, by every legitimate 
and peaceful means; but it is not willing to make merchandise of human 

"But a war of conquest is ^s unwise as it is unrighteous. A harbor and 
coaling station in the Philippines ^ould answer every trade and mllita:ry ne-. 
cossity, and such concession could ha\e been secured at any time without 

"It is r.ot necessary to own people in order to trade with them. We carry 
en trade to-da.v with every part of the world and our commerco has expanded 
more rapidly than the commerce of any European empire. We do not own 
.Tapan or China, but we trade with their people. We have not absorbed the 
republics of Central and South America, but we trade with them. It has 
not been uecei>savy to have any political connection with Canada or the na- 
tions of Europe iu order to trade with them. Trade cannot bo permanently, 
profitable unless it is voluntary. * 

"When trade is secured by force, the cost of securing it and retaining it 
must be taken out of the profits, and the profits arc never large enough to, 
cover the expense. Such a system would never be defended but for the fact 
that the expense is borne by all the people, while the profits are enjoyed by 
the few. 


"Imperialism would be profitable to tbe army contractors; it ironld 
be profitable to tbe shipoivnerS) ivho 'would carry live soldiers to the 
FEnippines and bring dead soldiers back; it would be profitable to 
those who would seize upon the franchises, and it would be profitable 
to the officials whose salaries w^ould be fised here and paid over there. 
But to the farmer, to the laboring man, and to the vast ntajority of' 
those engaged in other occupations it would bring expenditure with- 
out return and risk without reirardl 

"Farmers and laboring men have, as a rule, small incomes, and under sys- 
tems which place the tax upon consumption pay more than their fair share ot 
the expenses of government. Thus the very people who jrecelve least benefit 
from Imperialism will be injured most by the military burdens which ac- 
company it, 

"la addition to the evils which he and the farmer share in common, the la- 
boring man will be the first to suffer if oriental subjects seek work in the 
'. United States; the first to suffer if American capital leaves our shores to em- 
ploy oriental labor in the Philipines to supply the trade of China and Japan; 
the first to suffer from the violence which the military spirit arouses, and the 
first to suffer when the methods of imperialism are applied to our own gov- 

, "It is not strange, therefore, that the labor organizations have been quick 
, to note the approach of these dangers and prompt to protest against both mil- 
itarism and imperialism. 

"The pecuniary argument, though more effective with certain classes, is not 
likely to be used so often or presented with so much enthusiasm as the relig- 
ious argument. If what has been termed the 'gunjKiwder gospel' were urged 
against the Filipinos only, it would be sufficient answer to say that a major- 
ity of the Filipinos are now members of one branch of the Christian church; 
but the principle involved is one of much wider application and challenges 
EeriQus consideration. 

The Religious Argument. , 

"The religious argument varies in positlveness from a passive belief that 
Providence delivered the Filipinos into our hands for their good and our 
glory, to the exultation of the minister who said that we ought to 'thrash the 
natives (Filipinos) until they understand who we are,' and that 'every bullet 
sent, every cannon shot arid every flag waved means righteousness.' ' ; 

"We cannot approve of this doctrine in one place unless we, are willing to 
apply it everywhere. If there is poison in the blood of the hand it will ul- 
timately reach the heart. It is equally true that forcible Christianity, if plant- 
ed under the American flag in the far away Orient, will sooner or later toe 
transplanted upon American soil.- 

"It true Christianity consists in carrying out in our daily lives the teachings 
of Christ, who wHl say that vre aj:e commanded to civilize witli dynamite aud 



proselyte with the sword. He who would declare the Divine will must prove 
his luthority, either by Holy Writ or by evidence of a special dispensation. 

Imperialism Finds No Warrant in the Bible. 

"The command, 'Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel to 
every creature,' has no gatling-gin attachment. When Jesus visited 
a village of Samaria and the people refused to receive Him, some of 
the disfciples suggested that fire should be called down from heaven 
to avenge the insult; but the Master rebuked them, and said: 'Ye, 
know not what manner of spirit ye are of; for the Son of Man is not 
come to destroy m'en's lives, but to save them.' Suppose He had said: 
*We will thrash them until they understand who we are.' How differ- 
ent would have been the history of Christianity! Compare, if you 
will, the swaggering, bullying, brutal doctrine of imperialism with 
the Golden Bule and the commandment, 'Thou shalt love thy neighbor 
as thyself.' 

"Love, not force, was the w^eapon of the Nazarene; sacrifice for oth- 
ers, not the exploitation of them, w^as His method of reaching the^ 
human heart. A missionary recently told me that the Stars and 
Stripes once saved his life because his assailant recognized our flag a.^ 
the flag that had no blood upon it. Iiet it be known that our mission- 
aries are seeking souls instead of sovereignty; let it be know^ that 
instead of being the advance guard of conq,uering armies, they are 
going forth to help and tb uplift, having their loins girt about irith 
truth and their feet shod w^ith the preparation of the Gospel of peace/ 
n-earing the breastplate of righteousness, and carrying the sword of 
the Spirit; let it be known that they are citizens of a nation vrhich 
reBp«cts the rights of other nations as carefully a" it protects the' 
rights of its own citizens, and the welcome given to our missionaries 
will be more cordial than the welcome extended to the missionaries) 
of any other nation. 

"The argument made by some that it was unfortunate for the nation that it 
had anything to do with the Philippine Islands, but that, the naval victory at 
Manila made the permanent acquisition of those islands necessary, is also un- 
sound. We won a naval victory at Santiago that did not compel us to hold Cuba. 
The shedding of American blood in the Philippine Islands does not make it im- 
perative that we should retain possession forever; American blood was shed 
at San Jyan Hill and El Cauey, and yet the President has promised the Cu- 
bans independence. The fact that the American flag floats over Manila does 
not compel us to exercise perpetual sovereignty over the islands; the American 
flag waves over Havana to-day, but the President has promised to haul it down 
when the flag of the Cuban republic is ready to rise in its place. Better a 
thousand times that our flag in the Orient give way to a flag representing the 
idea of self-government than that the flag of this republic should become the 
flag of an empire. 


The Solution of the Problem. 

"There ia an easy, honest, honorable solntion of the Philippine 
question. It is set forth in the Democratic platform and it is sub- 
mitted xrith confidence to the American people. This plan I unre- 
servedly indorse. If elected I shall convene Congress in extraordinary 
session as soon as I am inaugurated and recommend an immediate 
declaration of the nation's purpose: first, to establish a stable form 
of goTcrnment in the Philippine Islands, just as ure are now estab- 
lishing a stable form of government in the island of Cuba; second, to 
give independence to the Cubans; third, to protect the Filipinos from 
outside interference while they work out^ their destiny, just as we 
have protected the republics of Central and South America, and are 
by the Monroe doctrine pledged to protect Cuba. 

"An European protectorate often results in the plundering of the 
ward by the guardian. An American protectorate gives to the nation pro- 
tected the advantage of our strength without malang it. the victim of our 
greed. For three-quarters of a century the Monroe doctrine has been a shield 
to neighboring republics, and yet it has imposed no pecuniary burden upon us. 
After the Filipinos had aided us in the war against Spain we could not honor- 
ably turn them over to their farmer masters; we could not leave them to be 
the victims of the ambitious designs of the European nations, and since we do 
not desire to make them a part of us, or to hold them as subjects, we propose 
the only alternative, namely, to give them independence and guard them 
against molestation from without. 

"When our opponents are unable to defend their position by argument they 
fall back upon the assertion that it is destiny, and insist that we must submit to 
It, no matter how much it violates our moral prec;pts and our principles pf gov- 
ernment. This is a complacent philosophy. It obliterates the distinction be- 
tween right and wrong, and makes individuals and nations the lielpless vic- 
tims of circumstance. 

The Plea of "Destiny." 
"Destiny is the subterfuge of the invertebrate, who, lacking the 
courage to oppose error, seeks some plausible excuse for supporting it. 
Washington said that the destiny of the republican form of govern- 
ment ivas deeply, if not finally, staked on the experiment intrusted 
to the American people. ' How different Washington's definition of 
destiny from the Republican definition! The Bepnblicans say th^t 
this nation is in the hands of destiny. Washington believed that 
not only the destiny of our ow^n nation, but the destiny of the repub- 
lican form of government throughout the world, was intrusted to 
American hands. The destiny of this republic is in the hands of its 
own peoplei 


immeasurable Responsibility. 

"Upon the success of the experiment here rests the hope of hnman- 
ity. No exterior force can disturh this republic, and no foreign influ- 
enoe should be permitted to change its course. What the future has in 
store for this nation no one has authority to declare, but each indi- 
vidual has his own idea of the nation's mission, and he owes it to his 
country as well as to himself to contribute as best he may to the ful- 
fillment of that mission. 

"Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the committee, I can never fully discharge 
the debt of gratitude >vhich I owe to my countrymen for the honors which 
they have so generously bestcxwod upon me; but, sirs, whether it be my lot 
to occupy the high office for which the convention Ijas named me or to spend 
the remainder of my days in private life, it shall be my constant ambition 
and my controlling purpose to aid in realizing the high ideals of those whose 
wisdom and courage and sacrifices brought this republic into existence. 

"1 can conceive of a national destiny surpassing the glories of the 
present and the past — n destiny which meets the responsibilities of 
to-day and measures np to the possibilities of the future. Behold 
a republic resting securely upon the foundation stones quarried by 
revolutionary patriots from the mountain of eternal truth — a repub- 
lic applying in practice and proclaiming to the w^orld the self-evi- 
dent proposition that all men are created equal; that they are endowed 
with inalienable rights; that governments are instituted among men 
to secure these rights; that governments derive their just poiffcrs 
from the consent of the governed. Behold a republic in ivhich civil 
and religious liberty stimulate all to earnest endeavor, and in 
which the law^ restrains every hand uplifted for a neighbor's 
injury — a reiiublic in w^hich every citizen is a sovereign, but in w^hich 
no one cares to tirear a crown. Behold a Republic standing erect 
while empires all around are bowed beneath the weight of their ow^n 
armaments — a republic w^hose flag is loved, -while other flags are only 
feared. Behold a republic increasing in population, in ivealth, in 
strength, and in influence, solving the problems of civilization, and 
hastening the coming of an universal brotherhood — a republic irhich 
shakes thrones and dissolves aristocracies by its silent example, and 
gives light and inspiration to those who sit in darkness. Behold a 
republic gradually but surely becoming the supreme factor in the 
w^orld's progress and the accepted arbiter of the w^orld's disputes^ — a 
republic w^hose history, like the path of the just, 'is as the shining 
light that shineth more and more unto the perfect day.' " 



The Hon. Adlal E. Stevenson, when formally notified by Governor Thomas 
df his nomination for the Vice Presidency by the Democratic National Oonveur 
tion at Kansas City, replied as follows:. 

"I am profoundly grateful for the honor conferred upon me by my selec- 
tion by the Natioq^l Deinocratic Convention as its candidate for the high office 
Of Vice President of the United States. For the complimentary manner in 
Which such action has been officially made known to me I express to you,, Mr. 
Chairman, and to your honored associates of the committee, my sincere 

"Deeply Impressed with a sense of the responsibility assumed by such can- 
didacy, I accept the nomination so generously tendered me. Should the ac- 
tion of the Convention meet the approval of the people In November it will 
be my earnest endeavor to discharge with fidelity the duties of the great ot- 

"It is wisely provided in the Constitution that, at stated times politiijal pow- 
fer shall return to the hands of the people. The struggle for political su- 
premacy, upon which we are now entering, is one of deep moment to the 
American people. Its supreme importance to all conditions of our country- 
men cannot be measured by words. The ills resulting from unjust legisla- 
tion and from unwise administration of the Government must find their rem- 
edy in the all-potent ballot. To it we now make our solemn appeal. ' 

"The chief purpose of the great Convention, whose representatives are be- 
fore me, was redress for existing wrongs and security against perils yet great-' 
er which menace popular government. Your Convention, in language clear and 
unmistakable, has presented the vital issues upon which the pending contest is 
to be determined. To its platform I give my earnest assent. 

Sympathy for Sister Republics. 

"Clearly and unequivocally the Democratic Convention has expressed its 
sympathy >^ith the burghers of the South African Republics in their heroic 
attempt to maintain free government. In this the Convention not only voiced 
the sentiments of American Democrats, but of liberty-loving men everywhere. 
It Is not strange that those who have kept the political faith of the author of 



tlae Declaration of Independence should express their abhorrence at the effort 
of a great European power to subijugate a'peo'^le'-^^ose only crime is a death 
Struggle to maintain their liberties. 

"The earnest utterances of the Convention thkt bur sympathies are with 
the Boei-s in their unequal struggle, meets a'n'eai-'fy response from all who ven- 
erate the principles of our fathers. Is it not true that in all the past a belief 
in the inalienable rights of all peoples has been with us a living faith? That 
our sympathy has ever been with the oppressed: with those who were strug- 
gling for a larger measure of freedom— for self-government? For this rea- 
son our Government was among the first to extend recognition to the Repub- 
lics of France and of Mexico; prompt to extend our sympathy, as well as offi- 
cial recognition, to the little South American States on their escape from 
the despotism of Spain, and upon their efforts to establish for themselves repre. 
sentative government fashioned after our own. History has but repeated it- 
self, and the struggle to maintain free government a century and a quarter, 
after the promulgation of the Declaration of Independence has been trans- 
ferred from the New World to the Old. Is it to be wondered, then, that the 
political disciples of Jefferson should express their symp'athy for the op- 
pressed Republics of South Africa? Only those who believe that our own 
country has outgrown the doctrines of the fathers are in sympathy with BJng- 
land's attempt to establish monarchy upon the ruins of Republics. 

War Taxes and Expenditures. 

"The lavish appropriations by the present Republican Ck)ngress should chal- 
lenge the attention of all thoughtful men. Subsidy bills and all unnecessary 
taxes are condemned by our platform. The accumulation of surplus revenues 
is too often the pretext for wasteful appropriations of the public money. 
The millions of surplus now accumulating in the Treasury should remain in 
the poclsets of the people. To this end the Democratic party demands a reduc- 
tion of war taxes to the actual needs of the Government and a return to the 
policy otf strict economy in all governmental expenditures. 

Laws to Curb Monopolies. 

■' "In apt words the Dingley tariff law is condemned. It is tersely character- 
ized as legislation skillfully devised in the interest of a class and to impose up- 
on the many burdens Which they should not bear. Adhering to the time-hon- 
ored doctrine of the Democratic party, we oppose all tariff legislation, the 
necessary consequence of which is at the expense of the consumer to secure 
unjust advajitage to the favored few. Experience has demonstrated that un- 
just tariff laws have deprived the Government of needed revenues, secured to 
favored beneficiaries colossal fortunes and largely increased to the people 
the cost of the necessaries of life. The baleful but logical result of the tariff 
law condemned by our platform is seen in the sudden growth of giant mon- 
opolies, combinations in restraint of lawful trade, and 'trusts,' more threaten- 
lug than foreign foe to the existence of popular government. Believing that 


'wherever there is a wrong there must be a remedy,' the Democratic party 
Will favor such legisjation ?^&.WU1 purb the spirit of monopoly and place an ef- 
fective barrier against the unlawful combinations of capital which now prove 
an insuperable obstacle t:,9 "l^g^pwate enterprise and investmend. 'T^e deadly 
ppwer of the trust is feli,,in^ajj„.c^iiannels of trade. 

."This is but the beginning. I^ it too much to say that unless restrained by 
wholesome laws, wisely a;ud efficiently administered, the danger becomes ap- 
palling? Fostered by the Dingley TarifE law, the trusts during the present 
■ Republican Administration, h^X" enormously Increased in number and in 
power. A determined effort for their suppression must now be made. De- ' 
lay would still furthet endanger every lawful business' interest of the coui^ 
try. The Imperative necessity for a remedy being conceded, the question 
arises: Into whose hands sha,ll be committed the work of formulating laws 
loolving to the supprcSsloh of ttusts? To whom shall' be entrusted the execu- 
tion of such laws? Sliall It be to the victims or to the beneficiaries of the 
qyershadowing evil? If to the latter, then a further lease of power to the 
present Administration is nil that Is needed. 

"Can any sane ma'n believe that, the trust evil is one that will cure it- 
self, or that its deatmbtion- -ffill be eompflssed by thoge to whopi it has 
brought princely fortunes? If so, let him point to a single honest attempt of 
Republican officials to enforce the laws now upon our statute books against 
the most stup^dous commercial evil known to any period of our history. The 
Democratic party stands pledged to an unceasing warfare against private mon- 
opoly In every form. It demands the enforcement of existing laws against 
trusts and, the enactment of laws yet more stringent. It wisely demands pub- 
licity as to the affairs of corporations engjiged in interstate commerce. 
'"As one means to Ihe important end of curtailing the power of trusts we 
favor such amendments of our tariff laws as will place the products of trusts 
upon the .free list add tliereby prevent monopoly under the iDlea of protection. 
During almost four years of .Republican control of all departments of the 
tioverument the trust evil has grown to Its present overshadowing propor- 
tions. What finger has been lifted for its suppression? With its friends again 
entrenched in power, what hope is held out for the future? 

"At thl;^ hour I can but allude in brief words to other needed reforms to 
which the attention of the country is called by the Democratic platform. Prom- 
inent among these is such enlargement of the scope of' the Interstate Com- 
merce law as wUl protect tlie public from unjust transportation rates and in- 
dividuals from unfair discrimination. As is w611 known, this law has failed 
to effect the wise purpose for which it was enacted. In fact, it is now little 
more than a dead letter upon the statute books. Under well-considered 
amendments the commission should be vested with ample power to prevent 
Injustice to Individuals and to the public. 


Labor and Pensions. 

"Our platform favors the creation of a Departineut of Labor, whose chief, 
officer shall take rank with the other constitutional advisers of the President. 
This is in the interest of justice, and will prove an important step looking to 
the proper recognition and encouragement of the producers of wealth. 

"In specific terms it favors liberal pensions to our soldiers and sailors and 
to those dependent upott-them. 

"With equal justice it reiterates the demands at a former Democratic plat- 
form for bimetallism; the restoration of silver to its proper function in our 
monetary system. 

"'For the protection of home labor it demands the enforcement of the Chi- 
nese Exclusion act. 

"And in the interest of an enlarged commence it^favors the immediate con- 
struction of the Nicaragua Oanal. This, however, with the provision that it 
shall remain forever under the exclusive ownership and control of the United 
States. The pending Hay-Pauncefdte Treaty is condemned as a surrender of 
American rights not to be tolerated by the American people. In the con- 
struction and control of this great work there .can be no concession of right 
to any European power.' Commercial interest and national safety in time of 
war alike demand its permanent ownership by our Government. 

The Paramount Issue. 

"A question is yet to be discussed to which all of these are of secondary 
importance. It is solemnly declared by our platform to be the paramount is- 
sue. Questions of domestic policy, however important, may be but the ques- 
tions of the hour— that of imperialism is for time. In the presence of this stu- 
pendous issue others seem but as the dust in the balance. In no sense palter- 
ing with' words, it is the supreme question of republic or eippire. The words 
of the eminent Republican Senator, Mr. Hoar, challenge attention: 'I- believe ' 
that perseverance in this policy will be the abandonment of the principles up- 
on which our Government is founded; that it will change our Government in- 
to an empire; that our methods of legislation, of diplomacy, of administra- 
tion, must hereafter be those which belong to empires, and not thos_e which 
belong to republics.' * 

"Upon every phase of our foreign policy the language of the Democratic 
platform is too clear to admit of misconstruction. It favors trade expansion 
by all peaceful and lawful means 

Constitution Follows the Flag. 

"We believe that liberty, as well as the Constitution, follows the flag. Dem- 
ocrats, in common with many Republicans, oppose the Porto Rican law as a 
violation of the Constitution, and a flagrant breach of good faith toward a 
dependent people. It is imposing government without the consent of the gov- 
erned. It is in conflict with that provision of the Constitution which declares 


that 'duties, imports, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United 
States.' Believing that this constitutional provision applies to every part of the 
United States, we condemn ''tiie tarifc taxation imposed by a Republican Con- 
gress upon the helpless ancTdistressed people of Porto Rico. Sucfi 'legislation— ■ 
inspired solely by greed— is inaeea tliie harbinger of eVil 'to tli6 Republic. 

"Thd attempt to collect unjust ta:xes with one hand, and with the other to 
return them in part to a phiiidered people, is utterly without constitutional 
warrant or justiflcatioji. We give our earnest assent to the declaration: 'Our 
plain duty is to abolish all customs tariffs between the United States and 
Porto Rico, and give her products access to our' markets.' No party exigency 
or pressure could justify a departure by the President from the plain pathway 
of duty he had here so clearly indicated. The law imposing tariff duties upon 
the people of Porto Kico is in palpable^ violation of the Constitution, and a 
flagrant bi'each of the pledged faith of the nation. ' 

Deplores Spirit of Empire. 

"The Democratic platform condemns thfe policy pursued by the present 
Administration toward the Philippine Islands. This policy— inspired by the 
greedy spirit of commercialism— has embroiled our Governrhent in an un- 
necessary war, sacrificed yalable lives, and placed the American Republic in 
deadly antagonism to our former allies In their efforts to secure their liberties. 
For the first time in our history we are boldly confronted with the question 
of 'imperialism— the spirit of empire.' 

"This is, indeed, the supreme question, to which all others are of second- 
ary importance. Before we brefak irrevocably with the past and abandon the 
doctrines of the fathers, it is well that we deliberate upon the consequence ■ 
of a permanent departure from the settltid governmental policy oiE more than 
a century. The success of the imperialistic policy foreshadows the empire. 
Shall the closing hours of the century witness the American people aban- 
doning the sua'e pathway -in w4iich past generations have found prosperity 
and happiness and embarlving upon that of aggression and conquest, against 
which we are warned by the wrecks that lie along the entire pathway of 
history? Standing out against the n'&w polic.v Qf conquest, with all that it 
involves of European complication, are the warnings of the founders of the 
Republic. Out of fashion as it may appear, I quote the last words of Wash- 
ington to the ohcoffling generations of his countrymen: 'The great rule -of 
conduct for us in regard to fqj'eigu nations' is, in extending our commercial 
relations, to have with them as little the political conncctidn kk possible.' ■ 
It was the author of the Declaration of Independence who said: 'Our first 
and fundamental maxim should be never to entangle ourselves in the broils 
of Europe,' Is it not well 'to pondof these- warnings before permanently em- 
barking upon an untried pathway beset with foreign jealousies, complication'Bj 
and antagonism? 


Jeffersonian Expansion. 

"The Democratic party has ever been atlie^ajaiTfocate of wise territorial ex- 
pansion. It -was in control of the GoverumeBt-duriaig forty years of the first 
half of the present century. During that pertoUneSv. -States were admitted in- 
to the Federal Union, and our Western border extended beyond the Mississ- 
ippi. Out of the Louisiana country acquired under the first Democratic Ad- 
ministration have been carved fourteen magnificent States. Under a later 
Democratic. Administration, and a.s the result of the treaty which terminated 
our war with Mexico, -we acquired California and neighboring States and Ter?" 
ritories, thus bringing under our flag to remain forever the vast expanse 
stretching to the Pacific. 

"The policy of aggressive expansion or subjugation of distant islands, pur- 
i sued by the present Administration, finds no precedent in the peaceable- cession 
of the Louisiana country by Napoleon, tljat of Florida by Spain, nor that yet 
later of the vast Western area by Mexico. The territory acquired under Dem- 
ocratic AiJminigtrations was, with favorable climatic conditions, the fit abode . 
for men of our- own race. At the time of annexation it passed under the rule 
of the Anglo-Saxon, who carried with him our language and our laws. It 
was territory contiguous to our own and acquired with the declared inten- 
tion, when conditions and population would justify, of carving it into States. 
The result: Millions of American homes, our national wealth increased be- 
yond the dreams of avarice, and the United States chief among the nations 
of the earth. Can it be that the new policy of forcible annexation of distant 
islands finds precedent in the historic events I have montioned? 

"The answer Is found in the bare statement of facts. The territory ac- 
quired under Democratic Administration' is contiguous— the Philippines, 8,000 
miles distant. The acquisition of territory upon our own continent added lit- 
tle to the national expense— to maintain permanent sovereignty over the dis- 
tant islands necessitates immense expenditures upon- our Army and Navy. 
More than that, it contemplates methods of administration that penain not to 
the republic but to the empire. Can it be doubted that the attempt to 
stifle the spirit of liberty abroad williriiperU popular government at home? 

"What is proposed by the party in. power for the government of these is- 
lands? If it be intended to establish there our political institutions, what then 
becomes of the Monroe doctrine? This vital international policy, announced 
by the President of the United States seventy-seven years ago, was: 'We owe 
it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the 
United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any at- 
tempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere 
as dangerous to our peace and safety.' This was supplemented by a disclaim- 
er in substance upon our part of any intention to force our institution upon the 
nations of Europe or their dependencies. 


Monroe Doctrine Enduring. 

"The Monroe doctrine isiwlKMesome and enduring. It Is the faith of Amer- 
icans of every creed and piirty— leof the very warp and woof of our political 
being. It was promulgated latbtUft' critical moment when tUe 'holy alliance' 
was attempting to stifle the repulilican spirit and re-establish tlie despotisin 
,of Spain upon her revolted colonies in South America and Blexico. The es- 
sence of the doctrine as then understood by^flie world was, while we forbid 
the establishment of despotic goviarmnents u^bn the American continent, we 
recognize the corresiionding obligation to refrain from any attempt to force our 
political system upon any part of the Old World. , This has been our settled 
rule of faith and practice for more than three-quarters of a century. Its , 
promulgation defeated the purpose of the 'holy alliance' and destrotyed for- 
ever the power of Spain upon this continent. 

"Under it Louis Napoleon, a third of a century ago, was compelled to with- 
draw the French army from Mexico, and leave the ill-starred Maximilian to 
his fate. Under it the empire established by foreign bayonets disappeared 
and* the republic was restored. Are we now to' say we still recognize the 
binding. force of this doctrine upon other nations, but not upon our ow'n? 

Government by Force a Despotism. 

"If ultimate statehood for these remote islands— and others yet to be con- 
quered—be disclaimed, how, then are they to be held and governed? The only, 
alternative is by force— by the power of army and navy, and this not for a 
day or for a year, but for all time. What, then, becomes of the bedroclc princi- 
ple that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the gov- 
erned? If they are to be held per;nanently as conquered provinces it will be 
not only outside of the Constitution, but in direct antagonism to the letter and 
spirit of the Declaration of Independence. It is no less true now than in the 
days of our Kevoiiation that 'government by arbitrary power is -still despot- 
ism.' The attempt, then, either to give these people American citizenship 
or to, hold them as subjects is ililie to us fraught with peril. Should there 
not. be an immediate declaration by our Government of its purpose toward 
them? I'hey should be given unmistaljable assurance of independence. Pro- 
tection by our Government should not be withheld against outside interference. 
The same protection should be theirs heretofore extended to the little States 
of Central and South America. Under existing conditions there should be 
no hesitation upon our part in giving them protection against the cupidity or 
aggressive spirit of other nations. All this, not to the end of subjugation or of 
conquest upon our part, but to that of the full enjoyment by ,them of liberty 
and of the ultimate establishment of stable government furnished by their 
own hands. Against this policy stands imperialism. In American politics 
the word is new— fortunately the policy is new. We are daily becoming fa- 
iniliar with its meaning, with its forebodings— and the end is not yet. It 
means a permanent departure from all the traditions of the past; from the 


high ideals of the founders of the Republic. It abrogates the holding of our 
great court that the Declaration of Independence is the spirit of the Gov- 
ernment—the Constitution but Its form and Ifctter. 'Imperialism knows nothing 
of the limitations of power. Its' rule Is outside of the Constitution. It means 
the adoption by the American Republic of the 'colonial methods of European 
monarchies. It means- the right to hold alien people as subjects. It en- 
thrones force as the controlling agency in government. It means the empire. 

Militarism a Corollary to Imperialism. 

■ "As a necessary corollary to imperialism will come the immense standing 
army. The dread hand of militarism will be felt in the New World as it is in 
the old. The strong arm of power will be substituted for the peaceable agen- 
cies which for more than a century have made our people contented and hap- 
py. It was Jefferson who said: 'A well-disciplined militia — our best reliance 
in peace, and for the first moments of war.' True at the beginning of the cen- 
tury, with a few millions of population; no less true at the close as we stand 
in the forefront of the nations with a population of eighty millions. The re- 
sult of our recent conflict with Spain gives emphasis to the prophetic words of 
Jefferson. Existing conditions in Continental Europe— entailing taxation and 
misery to the verge of human endurance— illustrate by sad object lessons the 
Inevitable result of large standing armies in time of jieace. 

"Khali we still give heed to the warning of the great sage of the Revolu- 
tion, or enter upon a new century with European monarchies as our model? 
"Without a large standing army, but relying upon the patriotism and courage 
of American manhood, we were victorious in the second war with Great 
Britain, with Mexico, in the great civil strife, and with Spain. In the light 
of history, can it be possible that the American people will consent to the 
permanent , establishment of a large standing army, and its consequeni con- 
tinuing and ever-increasing burdens of taxation? 

Republic Always a World Power. 

"We are told that our RepuWic is now to become 'a world power.' In the 
highest sense— with the Declaration of 'independence as its corner-stone- it 
has been in all its past a world power. It has been the lofty ideal to all lib- 
erty-loving people— the model of all builders of republics for more than a 
century. In the sense used by the imperialists the expression Is one of terri- 
ble significance. It necessitates the methods and equipments of monarchies. 
It means the creation and maintenance by our Republic of standing armies! 
equal to those of the world powers of Etn-ope. At no less cost can we hold 
place as a world power. Study existing conditions in European nations, and 
know what this all means to us. It means taxation to the verge of despair. It 
means, as has been truly said, that every laborer must carry an armed sol- 
, dier upon his baclj as he goes to his daily toil. All histoiT teaches that tlif 
corner-stone of imperialism is the force of the standing army. 


"We stand 100 years from the hour when the political forces were gath- 
ering which were to resultiiij the jqlection of the first Democratic President., 
The anniversary of the nja6l:ei:ftultdJiJ)iin our history was wisely ch'psen for the 
assembling in eonTentioi£i(W*thefiifepresentatives of. the historic,; party whose 
founder was Jefferson— aituiiwhiPiJe platform is the Declaration of Independ- 
ence. In the great struggle now upon us we invoke the co-operation of , all 
who revere the memory of our fathers and to whom this Declaration is not 
unmeaning parchment— but the enduring chart of our liberties. Upon the su- 
preme issue now in the forefront-^and to the end that republican government 
be perpetuated— we appeal to the sober judgment and patriotism of the' Amer- 
ican people." . ^ i, • 


I fi'j-rj-tsoi ft.j 


Speech of Hon. James D. Richardson, of Tennessee, as Permanent Cbair- 
than of Democratic National Convention, Kansas City, July 5th, 190O. 

" I am deeply sensible of the great honor you have Tiestowed upon me In 
calling me to preside over this great Democratic convention. We have been 
clothed with the authority to formally name the candidates who at the next 
election are to be chosen President and Vice President of the United States, 
and to laj» down a platform of principles upon which tlie battle is to be 
fought and the victory won. With your permission I will address myself to 
some of the issues of the impending campaign. 

"The last great national contest for supremacy was fought upon one is- 
sue—that is to say, one issue was paramount in the struggle. That issue was 
familiarly called, '16 to 1.' It involved the question of the free coinage of gold 
and silver at a ratio of sixteen parts of silver to one part of gold, with which 
all of us are familiar. 

"The momentous issue this year is again '16 to 1,' but the sixteen parts to 
the one part of this campaign, which I will briefly discuss, are wholly differ- 
ent from those of 1896. I will first refer to the sixteen part and then to the 
one part. These sixteen parts are: 

Republic vs. Empire. 

"First, we have the issue fraught with indescribable importance to our 
people native born, and those w*o have for patriotic reasons cast their for- 
tunes with us— namely: that of the re-public against the empire. On this 
part alone of the sixteen, if there was no other, we confidently expect to win 
a sweeping victory in November. The Republican party stands for empire. 
The Democratic party stands for the republic, for the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and the constitution of our country. 

Trust Control Charged, 

' "Second— The paternal and fostering care given by those with whom we 
contend, to the combinations of corporations and companies into powerful or- 
ganizations familiarly known as trusts. Under three years of Republican 
rule, ^while thej controlled the Presidency, the Senate, and the House of Rep- 


resenfatives— that if3, all of the lawmaking power of the goTernment— trusts 
have been propagated and fostered by legislation until they not only domin- 
ate all markets, both the buying and selling, but defy tlie power of the gov- 
ernment Itself. 

"The farcical efforts put forth by the Republican party in an alleged at- 
tempt to restrain them in the dying hours of the late session of Congress 
only excited ridicule and contempt and served to emphasize their inability and 
disinclination to grapple* the monsters and regulate their conduct and actions. 
No matter what their excuses may be, the fact is that their policies have creat- 
ed them, and, though clothed with power, they refuse to enact legislation to 
control tiiera. 

Currency Law Condemned. 

"Third— Called to power on March 4, 1897, under a pledge to reform the 
currency, they seized the first opportunity to fasten upon the land the high- 
est protective tariff law ever put upon the statute books of any country.. ■ 
' "This law was enacted not to raise revenue but to give protection to fa- 
vored manufacturers. It failed to raise sufficient revenue for the govern- 
ment, but answered the purpose of enriching the favored few, while it 
rolabed the many, and at the same time brouglit forth trusts to plague us 
as numerous as the lice and locusts of Egypt. Their high protective tariff 
is the mother of trusts. 

Enemies of Bimetallism. 

; "Fourth^Thls administration came into' power with a solemn declaration 
in favor of bimetallism and a pledge to promote it. It has<;ailed to keep 
that pledge. It has erected in its stead the single standard of gold, and 
li-as endeavored to destroy all hope of bimetallism. In doing this it has built 
up a powerful national bank trust and has given us a currency based upon the 
debts and liabilities of the government. We stand for bimetallism and not 
for a monometallic standard of either one or the other metal 

Monroe Doctrine Abused. 

' "Fifth— The dominant party has recently made the fraudulent declaration 
that it favored the Monroe doctrine, and yet their President and Secretary of 
State have done all in their power to nullify and abrogate that famous and 
niuch-revered Democratic doctrine. 

• "In the name of its Democratic author, James Monroe, I denounce their 
vaunted advocacy of this truly American doctrine as false and hypocritical. 
We stand for this doctrine jn its essence and form and demand its rigid en- 

Isthmian Canal Project. 

"Sixth— In order to obtain place and power they pledged themselves, in the 
Interest of an £xpanding commerce, to construct a water-way to connect 



the two great oceans. They have repudiated this promise. They have nego- 
tiated the Hay-Pauncefote treaty which, while it- virtually abrogates the Mon- 
roe doctrine, renders it impossible to build am American oanal. Under the 
terms and provisions of this treaty, which is English, and not American, the, 
canal can never be constructed. We stand for an Anlerican canal, owned, conr 
structed, operated, and fortified by America. ' 

Merit System Changes. 

"Seventh— They declared in their platform that tlj^lr party was responsi- 
ble for the merit system; that it was their creature; and that the civil serv- 
ice law should be protected and its operation extended. 

"Their protection of this law has been such as the wolf gives the babe. 
They did not dare openly repeal the law nor to modify it by an act of Con- 
gress, but they have insidiously by an order from the President, extorted from 
him to aid them to obtain and hold political power, greatly impaired the eflS- 
ciency of the law. 

"By the President's order many thousand lucrative offices regularly covered 
by the civil service law were taken from under the protection, and these 
places turned over to his partisan foUoTvers in a- vain effort to satisfy their 
political greed. 

Plight of the Territories. ^ 

"Eighth— They declared in their platform in favor of the admission of 
the Territories of Arizona, New Mexico, and Oklahoma as States of the 
Union, yet, after nearly four years of full power, they are still territories. 
Under the wicker rule of law as now applied by the Republican party to 
some of our Territories they may at an early date find erected between 
themselves and the balance of the Union a tariff wall which will serve to 
pauperize them while it enriches others. 

As to Porto Rico. 

"Ninth— When Congress last assembled the President, in his first utter- 
ance addressed to the representatives fresh from the people, solemnly urged 
upon them that it was their 'plain duty' to give free trade to Porto Rico. His 
party leaders, quick to obey his injunction, made ready to comply with his 
recommendations. But ,in a night, almost in the twinkling of an eye, the 
mighty magnates of the trusts swept down upon Washington and inter- 
posed their strong arm, and 'plain duty' vanished like mist before the ris- 
ing sun. 

"The President wheeled into line, the Republican party reversed its policy, 
and set up a tariff wall between the Island of Porto Rico and the remainder 
of the United States. It is not at all surprising that in the recent somewhat 
lengthy declarations of principles enunciated by the party in convention as- 
sembled, while they enlarged upon almost every political question, they 
couia not find the space to point with pride to the achievements of their party, 
in its deallags with that unhappy island. 


"The Democratic party stands far equal taxation, equal rights, and oppor- 

timilies to all who come, imiifimfehtilfolds of the flag. • ' 

' , .,'.f<?(I:yra ^i . ; ,, r;. ., ,, r -, - 

Philippine Policy Undefined. 

"Tenth— They wholly failed by, tlieir IpgislatioD or by the cheaper method 
of platform declaration to tell the country what their, policy is in respect to the 
Philippine Islands. For' two years by their equivocating policy, and no 
policy at all, they have continued iir that archipelago a war, expensive in hu- 
uian blood as well as in money. 

"Inoompetent to deal with this question and too cowardly to avow their 
real purpose of Imperialism and militarism in dealing with these and kindred 
colonial questions, they should be retired from power, and the control should 
be given to a party honest, bold, and patriotic enough to apply American 
theories and precepts to existing conditions,,, and thereby solve: them in har- 
mony with the underlying principles of the Declaration of Independence and 
the constitution of our country." 

Illation's Bank Deposits. 

"Eleventh— Another part of the issue of the campaign this year is the 
,sc^ndalous dealings lof a high Cabinet officer with- private banks of the 
country. These scandals are notorious and are based upon the earnest and 
repeated written demands of the otEcers of some of thesei banks that they 
should be favored by this administration because of money contributed by 
them with which to buy the Presidency of 1896. 

"Correspondence submitted to Congress shows that, in one. case at least, 
an appeal from an, institution in New York .City to the ^Secretary of the' 
Treasury for financial assistance because, as it was claimed, the offlcerb^ of 
that bank had contributed liberally to the election of the liresent Chief Ex- 
ecutive, was not made in vain, and the asked-for assistance in this case from 
th& government was freely if not corruptly given. 

Army fieef Scandals. 

"Twelfth— The scandals' which surrounded the War Department in feed- 
ing embalmed beef to the soldiers, in its purchase of old yachts, tugs, ocean 
liners, ocean tramps, barges, scows, etc., for use as army transports consti- 
tute an important chapter. 

Cuban Postal Frauds. 

Thirteenth— So also the scandals in connection with the postoffice matters 
In Cuba, and\the scandals in connection with the expenditure of the funds of 
the Paris Exposition. Tiiiie will not merit an amplification of all these scan- 

Friendship for England. 

"Tourteenth— They loudly proclaim that tlieirs is the party of liberty, and in 
their vainglory boast of their name, Republican, yet they are caught co- 

3b * - 


qiietting and forming: secret entangling alliances of tlie most detestable char- 
anter with the old mother monarchy. 

"They stand supinely by and refuse even an expression of sympathy with 
the Boer republics in their heroic and'unequal struggle for existence as. 
against the gross oppressions and brutal efforts at enslavement of the same 
Old tyrant who went down in defeat when he sought to prevent the establish- 
ment of our own liberty-loving republic. 

"They thus permit a brave people, in love with their free republican 
institutions, to perish from the earth, lest by one word of sympathy and com- 
fort they might offend the delicate sensibilities of their new-found ally, Great 
Britain. ■ ' ' 

War Taxes Go On. 

"Fifteenth— An important chapter is the oft-repealed promise, made to be 
broljen, that when the war ceased the oppressive, burdensome, and vexatious 
war taxes on many articles of prime necessity should be repealed or reduced. 

"Though the war closed two years ago, and notwithstanding there is a 
large and growing surplus in the Treasury, not one dollar of reduction in 
Ihpse. taxes has been made. ' 

"It is Ivuown that delegation after delegation of citizens, suffering from 
these burdens, crowded the committee-rooms at Washington and literally 
begged for some relief. It is true that those of us who constitute the minority 
of Congress joined in < hat appeal and declared our readiness to support any and i 
all measures that might in some degree remove these burdens to taxation. 
Bat a deaf ear was turned by the Republicans to all such efforts for relief 
and none came. * 

'"It is well linown also that no relief will be given by the party in power, 
and" it is vain for .overburdened people to look to them while present policies 
are attempted to be enforced. 

'The only hope for relief lies in hurling from power the Republican party, 
and the restoration of the party which believes in simple and economical 

Reckoning the Cost. 

"Sixteenth and lastly— The cost of Republicanism and its twin monster- 

"This is neither the time nor the occasion to discuss in detail the increased 
appropriations made necessary by the Republican policy of imperialism. 

"Briefly, however, I 'will mention that the average of appropriations pet 
year for all purposes of government for the two years immediately preceding 
The Spanish-Amerlcfin war was about $475,000,000. The average expenditures 
per annum for each of the three years since that Avar, including the fiscal 
year upon which we have just eotered, shows an increase of nearly $300,000,- 
OCO. The total increase for the three years will be nearly $900,000,000. And la 
lilce proportion it .wiU go on. „Sj^ 


•"This shows the rliffeiTnco in cost of the empire as against the republic. 
These figures refer alone to the money cost of the change, and do not include 
the expense of the blood of the American boys, the price of^ which is far 
beyond computation. In the Republican Congress jiist closed not one doUar 
cojild be had for much- needed public buildings throughout the country at home, 
but many millions were promptly Voted to prosecute a war in the far away 
Philippine Islands. Not a dollar for necessary improvements of our rivers 
and harbors at home, but millions to be t^tolen and squandered in Cuba and 
our new insular possessions. Nothing for Isthniian canal and many other enter- 
prises and objects^ but more than two hutidred millions were freely given for 
the army and navy, for imperialism and militarism, for gold and glory. 

Praise for W. J, Bryan. 

"I said at the outset the issue this year was again 16 to 1. The foregoing 
are briefly the sixteen parts of the Issue. What is the one part? '' ' 

"We have seen that platform pledges are made and broken. That good in- 
tentions of men are many times set at naught. That plain duty clearly set 
forth and understood is disregarded. That some men are weai< and vacillating 
and many change their solemn opinions in a day. It is apparent, therefore, 
to all, that in this supreme exigency of the republic a demand goes forth not 
for a faint-hearted declaration of platform platitudes, but for a man. 

"Yes, a man who stands Illie a mighty rock in the desert; a man who linow- 
Ing the right will dare do the right; a man whQ, 'rather than follow a multi- 
tude to do evil, will stand like Pompey's pillar, -conspicuous by himself, and 
single in integrity.' Such a man, as the one part, this convention will tender 
to the nation as its candidate for President. A man who is unsurpassed as 
a citizen, unequaled as an orator, courageous as a soldier, conspicuous in every 
element that constitutes the typical and true American— William J. Bryan of 


PART TWO,— The Republican Platform 
and Its Exponent. 


The Republicans of the United States, through their chosen representatives 
met in national convention, looking back upon an unsurpassed record of 
achievement and looking forward into a great field of duty and opportunity, 
and appealing to the judgment of their countrymen, make these declarations: 

The expectation in which the American people, turning from the Democrat- 
ic party, intrusted power four years ago to a Republican Chief Magistrate and 
a Republican Corigress, has been met and satisfied. When the people then as- 
Ssembled at the polls, after a 1,erm of Democratic legislation and administra- 
tion, business was dead, industry paralyzed, and the national credit disastrous- 
ly impaired. The countrj-'s capital was hidden away, and its labor distressed 
and unemployed. The Democrats held no otlier plan with which to improve 
the ruinous conditions which they had themselves produced than to coin silver 
at the ratio of 16 to 1. The Republican party, denouncing tliis plan as sure 
to ijroduce conditions even worse than those from which relief was sought, 
promised to restore prosperity by means of two legislative measures — a pro- 
tective tariff and a law making gold the standard of value. The people, by 
groat majorities, issued to the Republican party a commission to enact these 
laws. This commission has been executed, and the Republican promise is 
redeemed. Prosperity more general and more abundant than we have ever 
known has followed these enactments. There is no longer controversy as to 
the value of any government obligations. Every American dollar is a gold 
dollar or its assured equivalent, and American credit stands higher than that 
of £fny nation. Capital is fully employed, and labor everywhere is profitably 
occupied. No single fact can more strikingly tell the story of what Republican 
government means to the country than this— that while during the whole pe- 
riod of 107 years, from 1790 to 1S97, tliere was an excess of exports over im- 
ports of only .'F:;!82,028,407, there has been in the short three years of the pres- 
ent Republican administration an excess of exports over imports in the enor- 
mous sum of $1,483,537,004. 

.'Republican platform. , 49 

And while the American people, sustained by this Republican legislation, • 
have been achieving these splendid triumphs in theii' business and commei'ce, 
they have conducted and in victory concluded a war for liberty and numan 
rights. No thought of national aggrandizement tarnished the high purpose 
with which American standards were unfurled. It vas a. war unsought and 
patiently resisted, but when it came, the American ^ government 
was ready. Its fleets were cleared for action, its armies were In 
the field, and, the quicli and signal triumph of its forces on land 
and sea bore equal tribute to the courage of American soldiers and saildi's, 
and to the sliill and foresiglit of Republican statesmanship. To ten millions 
of the human race there was given "a new birth of freedom," and to the 
American people a new and double responsibility. 

We indorse the administration of William McKinley. Its acts have been 
established in wisdom and in patriotism, and at home and abroad it has dis- 
tinctly elevated and extended the influence of the American nation. Walking 
untried paths and facing unforeseen responsibilities, President AJcKinley has 
been in every situation the true American patriot and the upright statesman, 
clear in vision, strong in .iudgment, firm in action, alw^ays inspiring and de- 
serving the confidence of his countrymen. » 

In asking the American people to indorse this Republican record and to re- 
new their commission to the Republican party we remind them of the fact 
that the menace to their prosperity has always resided in Democratic princi- 
ples, and no less in the general incapacity of the Democratic party to conduct 
public affairs. The prime essential of business prosperity is public confidence 
in the good, sense of the government and in its ability to deal intelligently with 
each new problem of administration and legislation. That confidence the 
Democratic party has never earned. It is hopelessly inadequate, and the coun- 
try's prosperity, when Democratic "success at the polls is announced, halts and 
ceases in mere anticipation of Democratic blunders and failures. 

We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold standard, and declare 
our confidence in the wisdom of the legislation of the Fifty-sixth Congress, by 
which the parity of all our money and the stability of our currency upon a 
gold basis has been secured. We recognize that interest rates are a potent 
factor in isroduction and business activity, and for the purpose of further 
equalizing and of further lowering the rates of interest we favor such mon- 
etary legislation as will enable the varying needs of the season and all sections 
to be promptly met, in order that trade may be evenly sustained, labor steadily 
employed, and commerce enlarged. The volume of money in circulation was 
never so great per capita as it is to-day. We declare our steadfast opposition 
to the free and unlimited coinage of silver. No measure to that end could, be 
crnsidered which was without the support of the leading commercial coun- 
tries of the world. However firmly Republican legislation may seem to have 
Secured the country against the peril of base and discredited currency, the 
election of a Democratic President could not fail to impair the country's cred- 


it and to tiring onee more into question the intention of tlie American peo- 
ple to maintain upon the gold standard tlie parity of their money circulation. 
The Democratic party must be convinced that the America-n people will nev- 
er tolerate the Chicago platform. 

We recognize the necessity and propriety of the honest co-operation of 
capital to meet new business conditions, and especially to extend our rapidly 
increasing foreign trade, but we condemn all conspiracies and coinbinations 
Intended to restrict business, to creale monopolies, to limit production, or to con- 
trol prices, and favor such legislation as will effectively restrain and prevent 
all such abuses, protect and promote competition, and secure the rights of pro- 
ducers, laborers, and all who are engaged in industry and commerce. 

We renew our faith in 'the policy of protection to Amencan labor. In that 
policy our industries have been established, diversified, and maintained. By 
protecting the home marliet competition has been stimulated and production 
cheai>ened; Opportunity to the inventive genius of our people has been se- 
cured, and wages in every department of labor maintained at high rates, high- 
er now than ever before, and always distinguishing our working people in 
their better conditions of life from those of any competing country. Enjoying 
file blessings of the American common school, secure in the right of self-gov- 
ernment, and protected in the occupancy of their own marliets, their constant- 
ly increasing knowledge and skill have enabled tliem finally to enter the mar- 
kets of the world. We favor the associated policy of reciprocity, so directed 
as to open our markets on favorable terms for what we do not ourselves pro- 
duce in return for free foreign markets. 

In the further interest of American workmen we favor a more effective re- 
striction of the immigration of cheap labor from foreign lands, the extension 
of opportunities of education for worlviug clnldren, the raising of the age limit 
for child labor, the protection of free labor as against contract convict labor, 
and an effective system of labor insurance. 
, Our present dependence upon foreign shipping for nine-tenths of our for- 
eign-carrying is a great loss to the industry of this country. It is also a serious 
danger to our trade, for its sudden withdrawal in the event of European war 
would seriously cripple our expanding foreign commerce. The national de- 
fense and naral efficiency of this country, moreover, supply a compelling rea- 
son for legislation which will enable us to recover our former place among the' 
trade-carrying fleets of the world. 

The nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and sailors who 
have fought its battles, and it is the government's duty to provide for the sur- 
vivors and for the widows and orphans of those who have fallen In the coun- 
try's wars. The pension laws, founded in this just sentiment, should be lib- 
eral and shouid be liberally administered, and preference should be given 
wherever practicable with respect to employment in the public service to sol-' 
dlers and sailors and to their widows and orphans. 


V'c coimnena the policy of the Republican party in maintaining the effi- 
cicncj' of the civil service. The admiuistration has acted wisely In its- ef- 
fort to secure for public service in Cuba, Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Phil- 
ippine Islands, only those whose fitness has been determined by training and 
experience. We believe that employment in the public service in these ter- 
ritories should be confined as far as possible to their inhabitants. 

It was the plain purpose of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution to 
prevent discrimination on account of race or color in regulating the elective 
franchise. Devices of State governments, whether by statutory or constitu- 
tional enactment, to avoid the purpose of this amendment are revolutionary 
and should, be condemned. 

Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the roads and 
highways of the country meet with our cordial approval, and we recommend 
this subject to the earnest consideration of the people and of the legislatures of 
the several States. 

We favor the exten^on of the rural free delivery service wherever Its ex- 
■ tension may be justified. 

In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican party to pro- 
vide free homes on the public domain, we recommend adequate national leg- 
islation to reclaim the arid lands of the United States, reserving control of the 
distribution of water for irrigation to the respective States and Territories. 

We favor home rule for and the early admission to Statehood of the Ter- 
ritories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma. 

The Diugley act, amended to provide sufficient revenue for the conduct of 
the war, has so well performed, its work that' it has been possible to reijuce 
the war debt in the sum of $40,000,000.. So ample are the government's rev- 
enues and so great is the public confidence In the integrity of its obligations 
that its newly funded 2 per cent, bonds sell at a premium. The country is now 
justified in expecting, and it will be the policy of the Republican party to 
bring about, a reduction of the war taxes. 

We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection of an Isthmian 
canal by the government of the United States. New markets are necessary for 
the increasing surplus of our farm products. Every effort should be made to 
open and obtain new markets, especially in the Orient, and the administration 
Is warmly, commended for its successful effort to commit all trading and colon- 
izing nations to the policy of the open door in China. In the Interest of pur ex- 
panding commerce we recommend that Congress create a department of com- 
merce and industries, in the charge of a secretary with a seat in the Cabinet. 
The United States consular system should be reorganized under- the supervi- 
sion of this new department, upon such a basis of appointment and tenure 
as will render it still more serviceable to the nation's increasing trade. The 
American government must protect the person and property of every citizen 
wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in peril. 


We cougi-atulate the women of America upon their splendicl record of public 
service iu the volunteer aid association and as nurses in camp and hospital dur- 
ing the recent campaigns of our armies in the East and West Indies, and we 
appreciate their faithful co-operation in all works of education and industry. 

President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the United States 
with distinguished credit to tiie American people. In releasing us from the 
vexatious conditions of a European alliance for- the government of Samoa his 
com-se is especially to be commended. By securing to our undivided control 
the most important island of the Samoan group and the best harbor in the 
Soutiieru Pacific, every American interest has been safeguarded. 

We approve the annexation of the Ilawaliaii Islands to the I'liited Stajes. 

We commend the part talteu by our government in the peace eouference at 
The Hague. We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy announced in the 
Monroe doctrine. The provisions of The Hague convention were wisely re- 
garded when President McKinley tendered his friendly oflBces in the interest 
of peace between Great Britain and the South African Republic. While the 
American government must continue the policy prescribed by Washington, af- 
firmed by every succeeding President, and imposed upon us by The Hagua 
treaty, of non-intervention in European controversies, the American people 
earnestly hope that a way may soon be found, honorable alike to both con- 
tending parties,, to -terminate the strife between, them. 

In accepting, by the treaty of I'aris, the just responsibility of our victories, 
In the Spanish war, the President and the Senate won the undoubted approval 
of the American people. No other course was possible than to destroy Spain's- 
sovereignty throughout the West Indies and.iu the Philippine Islands. That 
course cr(?ated our responsibility before the world, and with the unorganized, 
population whom our Intervention had freed from Spain, to provide for tha 
maintenance of law and order, and for the establishment of good govern- 
ment, and for the performance of international obligations. Our authority-, 
could not be less than our responsibility, and wherever sovereign rights were 
extended it became the high duty of the government to maintain its authority, 
to put down armed insurrection, and to confer the blessings of liberty and civ- 
ilization upon all the rescued peoples. The largest measure of self-govern- 
ment consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured to them 
by law. To Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the same 
voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this pledge shall be per- 

The Republican party, upon its history and upon this declaration of its prln- 
ciples and policies, confidently invokes the considerate and approving judg- 
ment of the American peoplec 



The Republican platform for 1900 has not been well received by the Re- 
publican critics. They say it is badly ' constructed, and lacking in direct- 
ness and • point. It has been printed, but Is not liliely to furnish . material 
for the orators and writers of the party. This failure to produce a coherent 
and satisfactory Republican platform has led to the substitution of Sena- 
tor Lodge's convention speech as a more satisfactory and authoritative ex- 
position of Republican claims and profession. ' ' 

Senator Lodge presided over the convention. His speech Is, or course. 
In good English. Its chief characteristic is audacity. Compelled to malie a. 
hero of a President without backbone, and to sound the praises of a party 
spotted all over with the leprosy of faithlesspess to its pledges, corruption in 
Its administration,, subserviency to the trust cormorants, and shameless de- 
fiance of constitutional restraints, he did the best he could. Denied by cir- 
cumstances the privilege of telling the truth, he devoted himself to the de- 
livery of conventional phrases to make the worse appear the better cause. He 
exalted the President as a "soldier and statesman." Mr. McKinley was the 
Major of a regiment during the great Civil War, an(J well performed his duty; 
but it Is doubtful whether even Mr. Lodge himself finds in that military ca- 
reer a warrant for regarding the President as one whose military and civic 
abilities are so evenly balanced as to entitle him to be considered as great 
a soldier as Mr. Lodge would have him appear a statesman. 

Record of Broken Promises. 

Mr. Lodge, tells us that the past "four memorable years" show a Repub- 
lican "record of promises kept." This is a specimen of monumental audacity. 
The Republican party pledged itself in 1896 to save this country, If possible, 

Defeat from the gold standard. It reiterated the assurances it had given 

„ "* in its national platforms of 1884, 1888 and 1892,— that the party waa 
Hsin. ''^ favor of bimetallism." It pledged Itself unreservedly to Its best 

efforts to promote international bimetallism. Forced to an appearance of 

redeeming this pledge, the President sent a commission to Europe to secure 

&n internatiapal agreement. When thig comojission was on the verge of xinex- 


peeled siicces's, President McKinley violated his own faith and that of his 
party by striliing the foul aud fatal blow necessary for the defeat of the ob- 
ject oif the mission. (See Chapter 32.) The currency bill passed at the last 
session of Congress is an endii,ring monument to the perfidy of the Republi- 
can party and Its recognized c'liief. It violates every profession ever maclfe 
by them' on the subject. (See Chapter 35.) .' ■- 'rl'; 

The Republican party pledged itself in 1896 to a revival of reciprocrtjf 
Defeat with foreign nations, to secure foreign markets for the "surplus 
_ 1* _ products of this country. This pledge has also been ruthlessly 
city. - broken. Reciprocity treaties negotiated by the President, and. sent 
by him to the Senate, have been by him defeated. This he has done by having 
It known to the faithful in the Senate that he desired no action upon them. 
It pledged itself, in Congress in 1896, to the recognition of the belligerency 
Cuba of the government proclaimed and for some time maintain^, - by 

„ "■"! . force of arms, by the people of Cuba. The pledge was' violated, 
Spamsn .. 

" War. 8-i<i the President took the very opposite ground In his first annual 

message, recommending that the Cubans be not recognized as belligerents. 
Forced into a war with Spain, to redress the terrible grievance of the de- 
struction of the Maine, he recommended to Congress that he be given author- 
ity to send a military expedition to Cuba and enter upon hostilities both with 
Spiiin and with the Cuban insurgents for the pacification of the island. His own 
party deffeated this two-faced purpose, joined with the Democrats in declaring 
■war against Spain, and consented to the declaration, opposed by the President, 
^that the people of (Jluba were aud of right ought to be freg and Independent. 
The party's pledge to the Cubans, that they should be left in possession of 
their own island Upon the forcible termination of Spanish rule now stands" 
unredeemed as it has for more than eighteen months. 

In the Philippines the President violated his lirotocol with Spain "by 

attempting'the military occupation of the entire archipelago 
Philippines. P^°'^'°S the negotiations which it was agreed should deter- 
mine whether Spain or the United States should be soveVeign 
In those' islands. The national faith, plighted to the Filipinos when they be- 
came our willing and accepted allies by arrangement with Admiral Deivey,— ' 
as stated by him,— was shamelessly violated by President lleKinley, and a 
War forced upon thenl while the Philippiues were still Spanish soil and their 
natives the rebellious subjects of Spain. 
The party's pledge, made in Congress, that the war taxes should be reduced , 
as soon as peace was made with Spain, ha^ "oeen violated withoui 
Tax's. "^l^^^osy, and a vast surplus of $286,000,000 is now (August 27) 
hoarded in the treasury for the unnecessary maintenance' of 'a 
hundred and fifty million dollar gold redemption reserve, and the loan of ovef 
ninety millions to favorite national banlvs, without interest, to enable them to 
give support to favored trusts aud corporations, while legitimate business ia 
left to its own resources. 


Republican promises of honest aclministration have been boldly violated by 
nit... tlie feeding of rotten meat to our soldiers during the Spanish war, 
Breaches by the recklessly extmvagant prices paid for army transport ves- 
of Faith. ggis_ {,y (.jjg surrender to the Sugar Trust in the enactment of the 
unconstitutional Porto Rlcan tariff act, and by the authorization of the plun- 
der of the treasury by the armor plate monopoly if oue designated executive 
officer can be induced to yield to its extortlooate demands. 

The robbery of the people of Cuba by dishonest United States official brands 
the administration with disgrace. Whether these thieves, holding office under 
the United States, can be tried in Cuba for robberies there committed, or in 
the United States where they have committed no offense,— whether Cuba is for 
the time being the United States or only Cuba,— are all questiens which are left 
In the air, so that the truth cannot be officially brought home to the Republican 
party until after the November election. 

. These suffice as evidences of the height reached by Senator Lodge's audac- 
ity when he dared to speak of the Republican party as showing "a record of 
promises kept," 

The Cause of Stimulated Industry. 

So far as Mr. Lodge finds the country progperous, it is folly to 'ascribe it, 
as he does, to a protective tariff, as wo have had nothing differeilt 
rarifi fgj. forty years. President Harrison declared in 1892 that the un- 
exampled prosperity of the c&untry at tliat time was not, as many 
contended, because of the JIcKinley tariff law, but because of the Silver Put- 
cliase Act. The McKinley tariff law was succeeded by the Wilson tariff law, 
the protective features of which were fully up to the Republican standard. 
If Senator Lodge will probs deeper he will find a gensral improvement through- 
out all the commercial nations, largely attributable, not to McKinley, but 
to the Increased production of gold in South Africa and Alaska. It 
is barely possrble that American enterprise, the ingenuity of American in- 
ventors, the increased skill and energy of labor, increased population, and the 
development of new iron fields may have contributed to our prosperity at 
least as much as have the industrious congressmen of the Republican party 
who have been hard at work for the bankers and the trusts during the last 
three years. American growth and prosperity did not commence with the 
administration of William McKinley. 

If Senator Lodge will read the speecu made by Senator Wolcott, in which 
he gave an account of his International Bimetallic Commission to Europe, dnd 
will read President McKinley's message endorsing the Indianapolis gold 
standard report, sent to London by way of the Senate on July 24th, 1897, he 
will see how groundless and ridiculous is his pretense that any honest effort 
was ever madfe by the President to secure international bimetallism. 



Senator Lodge declares that "Cuba is free." She is free from the rule of 
King T,og, but is now suffering badly under the dishonest rule of King Stork. 
Senator Lodge is probably the only American whose face does not bum with 
shame when Cuba is named. She is being governed without her consent, and 
being robbed without the power to resist,— all by the humane and benevolent 
administration of William McKinley. There is no evidence that under Re- 
puTslican party rule in the United States Cuba will ever enjoy the independ- 
ence which she was so loudly promised when war was declared against Spain, 

McKinley's Usurpation of Power. 

Senator Lodge magnifies the President. To him he seems an Emperor. He 
tells us that the Presidenl; of the United States had to decide what should be 
, the terms of peace with Spain! Here are the Senator's words: 

Spain sued for peace. How was that peace to be made? The answer to this great 
question. had to be given by the President of tbe United States. 

Such a statement should blister the tongue that makes it. Peace had to ba 
made by a treaty, — a treaty, which was merely blanl\ paper until ratified bj- 
two-thirds of the Senate. Has Senator Lodge such contempt for the great body 
of which He is a member, and such idolatry for the President, that he can for 
a moment forget the share the Senate must have in the making of treaties? 
He goes on asking himself questitons: 

Shall we glTe those islands back to Spain? "Never!" was the President's reply. 
Should we hand them over to some other power? "Never!" was again the answer. 
Shouiia we turn the islands, where we had destroyed all existing sovereignty, loose 
upon the world to be a prey to domestic anarchy and the hopeless spoil of some other 
nation? Again the President answered uo. * * * He boldly took the islands— took 
them, knowing well the burden of responsibility, took them from a deep sense of duty 
to oui'selves and others. Etc., etc. 

And he winds up by saying that "peace with Spain was the work of Wil- 
liain McKinley." Truly Senator Lodge is an imperialist. Already he has 
stripped the Senate of its share in the treaty-making power, and has set up 
an Emperor who controls the destinies of this nation without consijlting any- 
body. McKinley "boldly took the islands!" Mr. McKinley boldly tried to take 
the islands by a military descent upon Iloilo. the second city in the island 
group, three months before Spanish sovereignty had ceased by the terms of 
our treaty of peace with Spain. Mr. Lodge must know full well that this 
was a gi-oss violation of our protocol with Spain, and a renewal of hostilities 
against her, or it was the commencement of a war against Filipino insurgents 
on Spanish soil. 

The Republican party has indeed "made history." But It is the history of 
a President who makes no pretense of obedience to the Constitution of the 
United States. He has usurped the treaty-making and the war-making pow- 
ers. His war upon tlie Filipinos was wholly unnecessary and wholly unau- 
thorized. It could not have been to suppress an insurrection against the 


tfnfTed States, because the Philippine Islands were not under the sovereignty 
of the United States for two months after his Generals commenced the war, 
February 4th, 1S99, ivithout prorocatiou, and with his approval. Mr. Lodge 
says that "in the I'hilippines we were met by rebellion," and that it was "the 
duty of the President to repress that rebellion,— to see to it that the authority 
of the United States, as rightful in Manila as in Philadelphia, was acknowl- 
edged and obeyed." The ratifications of the treaty of peace with Spain were 
exchanged on the 11th of April, 1899. Until that day the Philippines were 
under Spanish sovereignty, and the United States fosces were pledged to stay 
within "the city, bay and harbor of Manila" until it should be decided by the 
treaty to which government the Philippine Group should belong. If Mr. Lodge 
does not know that until April 11, 1899, the Philippines were Spanish soil, and 
that we were in Manila under our written agreement or protocol; and if he 
does not therefore know ihat there could have been no rebellion in February 
against the United States outside of the military lines temporarily granted to 
us by Spain and agreed to by us, then he is too ignorant a man to discuss 
these questions. If he docs know these things, then he is endeavoring to im- 
pose upon that portion of the people of the United States whom he thinks he 
can deceive. General Otis's report clearly proves that the President's mili- 
tary subordinates eagerly sought the war with the Filipinos as they were ex- 
pected to do, and that before its outbreak the President himself refused to 
make any answer to the request of the Filipino Commissioners, cabled him by 
General Otis, tor some assurance that he would favor qualified independence 
with American protection. • ' , . 

General Attitude of the Administration Party. 

The tone of tlie latter part of Senator Lodge's speech is all for trade and 
profit and dollars. He speaks without restraint, and clearly shows that be- 
neath all the soft words and philanthropic professions, and the patriotic out- 
cry against alleged rebellion in the Philippines, the prevailing sentiment of 
those for whom ho speaks is best expressed by the simple word "Grab." His 
speech is certainly a keynote speech. It boldly claims imperial power for the 
President, loftily ignores or spurns all constitution* restraint upon him, and 
denies the operation, in the territories, of the constitution of the United States. 
If Senator Lodge is right. Congress, or any tribunal it may choose to erect in 
any territory of the United States, may cause to be put to death all or any 
portion of the inh.abitants without accusation or trial. If Mr. Lodge is right, 
the President has arbitrary power totally independent of the constitution, lim- 
ited only by his own will, and Congress has powers under which it may ex- 
ecute the will of whatever forces can influence it. If read aright Senator 
Lodge's speecii inevitably furnishes the keynote for the Democratic cam- 
paign for the preservation of , the constitution and the abatement of Republi- 
can pretensions to extra constitutional powers. If the acts of William Mc- 
Kinley and the words of Henry Cabot Lodge are the index to Republican d&- 


sires and intentions, then the re-eleotlou of William Mcfenley would be the 
subversion of constitutional government, and the empire would stand In ttie 
shadow of the Pepublic, to take its place when the old forms shall oe in the 
way of further aggrandizement, or of the full enjoyment of the fruits of 
wrongs already committed. 

Republican Platforms of 1856 and I860 Contradict Repub- 
lican Imperialists of 1900. 

Senator Lodge made the following misstatement of Republican party his-' 


We have no belief iu the old slaveholders' docti-ine that the Constitution of its own 
force marches into evca-y newly acquired territory, and this doctrine, which we cast out 
in lS60, we still roiect. 

T&e Republican party iu 1836 and 1860 declared in its national platform 
that" the Constitution did extend into every territory, and that, for that reason, 
slavery could not exist in the territories. During the debates of the last ses- 
sion of Congress the attempt was made on several occasions to misrepresent 
the Republican pavty of LiuGoln on this subject. Some went so far as to de- 
clare that the claim that the Constitution embraced territories as well as 
States was mere Calhounlsm. These ne\v.Iigh.ts told us that the Republican 
party saved the territories from i the taint of slavery only by declaring them 
, outside of the pale of the Constitution. Tlje best answer to these efforts at 
the perversion of history will be found in thQ Republican platforms them- 
selves: - The following is what is contained on this subject in the Republican 
platform of 1856: 

Eesolved, That wlih our republican fathers we hois' it to be a self-evident truth that 
all men are endowed with the inalienable rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of 
happiness, and that the primary object and ultimhte designs of our federal govern- 
ment were to secure these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction; tbat, 
as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, 
ord^aihad that no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property without due 
process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of the Comstltutiou 
against all attempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in any terri- 
tory of the United States bj^positlve legislation prohibiting its existence or extension 
therein. That we deny the authority of Cougresis, of a territorial legislature, of any 
individual or association of individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any terri- 
tory of the United States while the present Constitution shall be maintained. 

Here is a declaration that the Constitution forbids slavery wherever it has 
exclusive jurisdiction, and especially; that the Constitution would be violated 
if Congress should attempt to establis,h sla\-ery in any territory of the United 
States; and, finally, it is declared that "slavery can have no legal existence in 
any territory of the United States while the present Conststution shall be 
mainaine^." That is the Republican doctrine of 1S56. Not that the Consti- 
tution does not extend over the territories, but that slavery cannot enter the* 
territories, because the Constitution is already there to keep it out. 

Here is another resolution from the same platform; 


Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress the sovereign power over the 
territories of the United States for their government, and that in the exercise of this 
power It Is both the right and the duty of Congress to prohibit in the territories those 
twin relies of barbarism— Polygamy and Slavery. 

In conferring this power upon Congress the Constitution does not obliterate 
itself, but asserts and enforces itself in the territories. How can a Congress 
deriving its power from the Constitution claim the right to violate that in- 
strument in exercising the power so conferred? The next resolution in this 
first Republican platform charges that "the dearest constitutional rights of 
the people of Kansas (then a territory) hare been fraudulently and violently 
taken away from them." Then follows the charge that various guarantees 
of the federal constitution have been violated by the federal administration jn 
the government of Kansas, all oC which the resolution declares to be- a "high 
crime against the Constitution." These resolutions vindicate the Republican 
party from the false statement that it ever had any sympathy until now 
with the absurd pretense that the Constitution of the United States is liot the 
supreme law in the territories, and that Congress, having no power except 
what it derives from the Constitution, may nevertheless totally disregard the 
Constitution in legislating for the tei'ritories. 

It may be said that Mr. Lodge made no reference to the platform of 185G. 
It was in 1860, ITo said, that the Republican party east out "the old slave- 
holders' doctrine tliat the Constitution of its own force marches into every 
newly acquired territory."' We have seen that the Republican platform of 
1850 asserts this doctrine to the very uttermost. It was equally the doctrine 
of the Republican leaders and of "the old slaveholders" that the territories are 
In the United States, and that in them, as in the States, the Constitution is 
the supreme law of the laud. It was the old slaveholders' doctrine that slaves 
were property under the Constitution, and that, therefore, slavery could go 
wherever the Constitution went. Therefore, they claimed that the right to hold 
slaves existed in the territories by virtue of the Constitution. The Republican 
party, as above shown, declared that the Constitution guaranteed liberty to 
all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction, including those who might have 
been "held to service or labor" by the laws of the States from which they 
came into the territories with their masters. The slaveholders, on the con- 
trary, contended that not only were their slaves held to service by State laws, 
but that this right to their service in the slave States made them property 
whicli they might lawfully carry witli them outside of the slave States, and 
hold them in territory under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States. 

Let us now see what the Republican party said on this subject in its plat- 
form of 1860. Its fifth resolution declared against "construing the personal re- 
lation between master and servant to involve any unqualified property in per- 
son." Its seventh resolution reads as follows: 

That the new dogma, that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any 
or all of the territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance 
with the explicit provisions of that instrument Itseit, with contemporaneous oxposi- 
tiou, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in Us tendency, and 
subversive of the peace and harmony of tte country. 


Here is an explicit declaration that slavery cannot be carried into the ter- 
ritories of the United States without violating the Constitution Itself. The 
language is very plain. The Constitution is declared by this resolution to be 
in force in the t^n-itories, and slavery is declared to be excluded from the 
territories because the Constitution is already there with explicit provisions 
agamst its inti'oductiou. ', 

The eighth resolution declares: 

That tlie normal condition of all the territories of the United States is that of free- 
dom! that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national 
territory, orcjained that "no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property- with- 
out due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legisla- 
tion is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against ail attempts 
to violate it; and- we deny the authority of 'Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of 
any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any teirritory of the United States. 

Here .was a declaration that the Constitution exteoded into all territories, ^ 
and that, because of that fact, no power could give legal existence to slavery 
in any territory. Q^'he Constitution \^'as not ruled out of the territories in or- 
der that freedom might prevail; it was held to be the siipreme law of the ter- " 
ritories by which they were dedicated to' freedom. ' ' 

In view of the Republican rebord a'bove quoted, it is a slander upon Lincoln, 
and upon the party which he led in 18(50 and until his death, to pretend, as 
Mr. Lodge did, that "the doctrine that the Constitution of" its own force' 
niarehes'into every newly acquired territory, was east out in ISeOl" It was 
only the pro-slavery construction placed upon the Constitution that was cast 
out by the Republicans of 1860 and by their immortal chief. They not only did 
not teach that the Constitution was inoperative in the territories, but they said 
it was there in full force, and that the claim that it carried slavery with it- 
was a "new dogma" which they "cast out in ISGO." Mr. Lodge's declaration 
is an equivalent to saying that the Constitution recognized property in man. 
instead of only recognizing the right, under State laws, of one man to the 
"service" of another. Never did the Republican party of Lincoln admit that ■ 
property in man was recognized by the Constitution. The whole contention 
was to the very contrary of this. 

It is difficult to believe that Senator Lodge had ever read the Republican 
platform of 1850 or of 1860 when he made use of the language above quoted. 
That platform stands as a perpetual rebuke to the false pretense of latter- 
day Republicans that the Constitution of the United States and the laws 
passed thereunder Mr>.> not "(he suprem:; law of the laud," but only of thi States 
which have been admitted into the Union. rolUical kindergarten schools 
should be established throughout the United States in -n-tiich Repubhcan ora- 
tors might be taught the early history and doctrines of their party. 


PART THREE.— The War With Spain. 


In February, 1895, the last of a series of insurrections broke out in Cuba 
against Spanish rule. In February, 1896, Weyler, the Spanish Commander, is* 
sued an order by which the agricultural inhabitants were compelled within 
eigtit days to concentrate themselves in the towns occupied by the troops. On 
' the 28th of the same month the United States Senate adopted a concurrent 
resolution, offered by Senator Morgan, "that a condition of public war exists 
between the government of Spain and the government proelaimed and for 
some time maintained by force of arms by the people of Cuba, and that the 
United States of America should maintain a strict neutrality between the 
contending powers, according to each all the rights of belligerents in the 
ports and territory of the United States." There were but six negative votes 
on this resolution. On April 6th, 1896, it was concurred in by the House of 
Representatives with substantial unanimity. This expression of the sover- 
eign branch of the nation made no impression dpon the executive depart- 
ment of the government, and the United States continued to be, as it had been 
from the beginning of the insurrection, virtually the ally of Spain. Our rev- 
enue officers, guided by Spanish detectives, seized all vessels suspected of any 
intention to carry suijplies gr men to the Cubans. President McKinley came 
into office March % 1897, upon a platform which declared that "^pain has lost 
control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the lives and rights of resident 
American citizens, the active influence of the United States should be exerted, 
in establishing the island's independence." The inaugural of the President 
contained no reference to Cuba. Eleven days later Congress met in extra ses- 
sion convened by the President. His message contained no reference to Cuba, 
although the barbarous reconcentrado decree of Weyler Tvas in fuU operation, 
and Cuban non-qombatants penned up in the towns and prohibited from till- 
ing the earth for a living were being starved by the thousands. On the 1st 
of April that year Senator Morgan introduced a joint resolution identical with 
the concurrent resolution he had offered the year before and which had passed 
"^oth Houses. A concurrent rtesolution was not binding upoa the President, 


The joint resolution now off&red would if adopted iiave the force of la-w. It 
was passed hy the Senate May 20th, 1807, by a vote of 41 yeas to 14 nays. Tn, 
the House it was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs which had not 
been appointed and was not appointed until the very last hour of the session. 
It was never acted upon in that body. ;-, 

On the 6th of May, 1897, the House, having passed the Dingley, tariff bill, 
adopted a resolution to meet only on Mondays and Thursdays of each weelr., 
This was to facilitate Republican obstruction of Democratic efforts to con- 
sider the Cuban question, or any other not in the Itepublican program. Dur- 
ing May, June and July persistent efforts were made to obtain consideration 
of a resolution recognizing Cuban belligerency, but all without avail. 

The principal factor in the Republican opposition to any friendly considera- 
tion of the Cubans was the fact that Spain had contracted a large debt in 
prosecuting the war against the Cuban insurgents, and the bonds issued, for 
such debt were secured by a pledge of the Cuban customs revenues. These 
Iwnds were falsely called "Cuban bonds," and the "Cuban debf'was the term 
by which they were designated. They were of course Spanish bonds and a 
Spanish debt.- Every holder of these bonds was interested in maiiltaining 
Spanish sovereignty in mortgaged Cuba. The debt owners of the world have 
a;general interest in sustaining each other, and in the United States there was 
no exception to this rule.' The financial operators in stocks and bonds in New 
Yorlv held bacli the McKinley administration from rendering the Cubans any 
aid as long as possible. 

In his first annual message of December, 1807, President McKinley gave a 
review of the Cuban situation in which he declared that Weyler's reconcen- 
trado decree was not civilized warfare, And yet he said that the recognitioa 
of Cuban belligerency was not advisable on tlie ground that there was no 
"substantial political organisation, real, palpable and manifest to the world, 
having the forms and capable of the ordinary functions of government to- 
wards its own people and to other States, with courts for the administration 
of justice, with a local habitation possessing such organization of force, such 
material or such occupation of territory as to take the contest out of a mere 
rebellious insurrection," and on the further ground" that the ''insurrection has 
not possessed itself, of a single seaport from whence it may send forth its 

" Mr. Lincoln and his cabinet never reco.gnized the Southern Confederacy as 
a politcial or civil organization, and it had no available port becauge of the 
blockade. Yet he recognized it as a belligerent, when he claimed the belli- 
gerent right for this government to visit and search the Steamer Trent sail- 
ing under the neutral flag of Great Britain, to find upon her conti'aband of war. 
The Cuban insurrection had, in December, 1897, held out two years and ten 
months. The Confederate States had, in October, 1861, when the Trent. was 
seized, held out only six months. Every precedent was violated by rresident 
McKinley's non-action. 


The files of the State Department were loaded with communications froin 
American consuls reciting the horrible barbarities perpeti'ated in Cuba. The 
President refused to comply with the request of the Senate for the transrQSs- 
sion of these papers to that body. The devastation of Cuba and the inhumiin 
conduct of Spain in .starving non-combatants, including women aijd children, 
went on uncheclsed. The appeals to humanity were overborne by the appeals 
of the Spanish bondholders and their supporters iu this country not to "haul 
down the flag" of Sijain In Cuba, because the revenues of the island were 
pawned to pay the cost of Spanish atrocities there, and only Spanish oflBcials 
could collect and pay over its revenues to creditors of Spain. 

On the 15th of February, 1898, the world was startled 'by the destruction of 
the United States battleship Maine iu the harbor of Havana, where she was 
maEing a lawful visit, and whei-e she had been anchored in a place selected 
by Spanish authority. Two hundred and fifty-eight sailors— marines and offi- 
cers— went down with this noble ship. A naval court of inquiry reported 
unanimously that the Maine was destroyed by an exterior explosion — that of a 
'submarine mine. It expressed no opinion as to the responsibility for the out- 
rage. No further testimony was necessary. Only the Spanish government 
controlled submarine mines in the harbor of Havana, and Spain was re.spon- 
sible for the acts of her officials in that place. The President communicated 
the finding of the court of inquiry to the government of Spain. That Gov- 
ernment offered no reparation then, but treated it as a matter with which 
she had nothing to do. The report pf.the naval board of inquiry was sent to 
the Senate on the 28th of March. Not until the 11th of April did the Pres- 
ident make any recommendation to Congress. He then sent in a message in 
which he declared against the recognition of the independence of the Cuban 
Republic, but aslied Congress to authorize the "forcible intervention of the 
United States as a neutral to stop the war." This, he said, would involve 
"hostile constraint upon both the parties to the contest as well as to force a 
truce to guide the final settlement." Ho Informed Congress that the Spanish • 
Minister of Foreign Affairs had assured our Minister that Spain would do all 
that the highest honor and justice required in the matter of the Maine. Also 
that Spain had offered to submit the whole thing to an arbitration as to facts! 
To this he said he had made no reply. It would have been becoming in him 
to slate that we would tolerate no calling in question of the facts as stated 
by our naval court of inquiry. The ship had been destroyed, with two hun- 
dred and fifty-eight precious lives, by a submarine mine in a Spanish port. 
These facts were iiidisputable. Nothing else was necessary to fix the. re- 
sponsibility for the terrible crime. The President was overruled by his own 
party in Congress. His proposition to remain neutral and merely act the part 
of a policeman in Cuba, — to keep the peace between parties declared by him 
to be equally blameable,— was spurned. Although Congress refused to recog- 
nize the existence of a lawful civil government of the Cubap insurgents, It 
declared that the people of Cuba were and of right ought to be free and inde- 

6^ ' DEMOcamTic campaign^book:.- 

pendent, and that the President must notifj- Spain to relinquish sovereignty 
over all her possessions in the West Indies, and must employ the army and 
navy oi: the United States to enforce this command. Thus was the United 
States relieved from the pusillanimous position advocated by the President, of 
treating Spain as a friend after the destruction of the JSfaine, and of treating 
as a street tight in Havana a three years' revolution for liberty and inde- 
pendence, vi'hich Spain with over a hundred thousand troops had failed to de- 

The war with Spain was the People's war, declared by Congress under^an 
avalanche of public opinion which it could not resist, and declared in opposi- 
tion to the President's recommendation, whose action throughout had been en- 
tirely satisfactory to the operators in Spanish bonds. 




Credit is claimed for tlie Republican Administration on account of tlie suc- 
cessful war with Spain. O^lie public debt of gratitude due brave American 
manhood which won the victory over Spain is, we are told, to be dischargee] 
by reward bestowed upon President McKinley. His war, his soldiers, his vic- 
tory, his reward! 

Senator Lodge, in his speech of notification, says on this point: 

Congress declared war, but you, as Commandcr-In-Chlcf, had to carry it on. Ton did 
so, and history records unbrolien victory from tlje first shot of the Nashville to the. day 
when the protocol was signed. The peace, you had to make alone, Cuba, Porto Ricoj 
the Philippines— you had to assume alone the resijonsibility of tailing them all from 
Spain. Alone, tind weighted with the terrible responsibility of the unchecked war 
powers of the Constitution, you were obliged to govern these islandfi, and to repress 
rebellions and disorder In the Philippines. ' 

Neither for the lofty, inspiring motives of the war nor for the courage and 
devotion of our soldiers, crt^wned with victory, can credit be justly claimed for 
the Administration. The bravery and blood of our soldiers are their own. No 
man may appropriate their cfeeds of valor and call them his. 

A duty devolved upon President McKinley as Commander-in-Chief of the 
lArmy, and by the manner of his performance of this duty alone must the 
credit due him for the conduct of the war be measured. 

The history of the Spanish War and its results are witjjin the knowledge' of 
every man living to-day. It is one of honor and glory to oiur soldiers, and of 
inefiiciency and scandal to the Administration. 

It is to the lasting honor of the country that we went to war to redress a 
great wrong and to free au oppressed people. The Administration cannot 
share in th^s honor, for it opposed the war, resisting, the popular will as long 
as it was possible to do so. 

When the demand of the country could no longer be ignored, the first con- 
sideration of President McKinley was how the war could best be turned to 
the advantage of himself, his party, and those "business interests" so dear to 
the heart of the Administration. There were commissions to be distributed, 
and conU-acts to be awaided, and with these political debts could be paid and- 


favors earuea. Tlien qame a course of mismanagement and a carnival of 
scandal that shocljed the sensibilities pf th^,,wJ>plg <:^yij?try, and brought untold 
suffering upoa our soldiers. - Incompetent ipen^;^er,fi,in numerous cases given 
commissions because tliej were the sons of ,d;stingujshed partisans or of rich 
families, or because of some political debt that could be paid in this manner. 
To gratify the ambition or the malice of some favorites, competent officers of 
the army and of the navy were brushed aside, their wise counsel ignored, and 
favorites were put to the front without regard to their fitness, or in spi^e of 
their known unfitness. Our soldiers were put into the field poorly armed, im- 
properly clothed, and so inadequately provisioned as to inflict upon them the 
pangs of starvation. They were given rotten meat and spoiled provisions, 
w,hich were a burden and a stench, wliile they suffered from hunger. They, 
were assembled in unliealthy camps, improperly arranged and equipped. They 
were not provided with suitable hospitals and medicines, and incompetence 
marked the medical, corps— the selection of surgeons from private life being 
conspicuously influenced by considerations other than those of competency. 
The management of the Commissary, the Quartermaster and the Medical De- 
partments was a public scandal. The transportation of troops, food and camp 
equipments, placed largely in the hands of inexperienced men whose selection 
had been influenced by political cttasiderations or by personal favoritism, was 
inadequate, mismanaged and tainted with fraud. Troops were huddled to- 
gether without means of transportation or were transported to some remote 
camp without tents or shelter of any sort, without clothing and destitute of 
food. Provisions were left to rot in cars or on shipboard while our soldiers 
went hungry. Before they had even. been equipped with arms, . hundreds 
were attacked by disease— typhoid and malarial fever becoming epidemic in 
nearly every camp— aud for want of food and medical attention the death rate 
became alarming before a drop of blood had been shed In battle. The great- 
est mortality wa's m the pestilential camps, not on the battlefield. The entire 
number liilleid or wounded in battle during the war, according to the report 
of the War Department, was 1,668, killed or wounded; but between May 1 
and Sept. 30 SO officers and 2,485 enlisted men died of disease. 

The Administration had ample notice of the war. Inevitable as it appeai-ed,| 
the President had foi- many months resisted the will of the people to interpose,' 
for the sake of hilmanity, to prevent the oppression of Cuba, and during this 
time of warning there was ample opportunity for preparation. President -1 
McKinley, in his message to Congi-ess, December 5, 1898, recognized the readi- ' 
ness of the legislative branch of the Government to respond to the demands 
of the hour, and acknowledged that opportunity was given the Administra-J 
tion to prepare for hostilities. He says, after reviewing the situation, that: < 

"It needed but a brief execuUve suggestion to Congress to receive imme- 
diate answer to the duty of making immediate provision for the possible and 
perhaps speedily prooable emergency of war, and the remarkable, almost 
nuicjue, spectacle was presented of a unanimous vote pf l^ptli Hpusps pn the 


Sth of March, appropriatliig' flhis^ millions of dollars 'for the national defense 
and for each and every piitt)'6so hbnnected therewith, to be expended at the 
discretion of the President.'"* 'And that "it is sufficient to say that the out- 
break of the war, when it did, come, found our nation not unprepared to meet 
the conflict." 

Yet when the conflict did come (in April) the apt)ropriation by Congress and 
the ample opportunity that had been afforded for preparation proved not 
sufHcient to protect oiir army from unnecessary sufferings inflicted by either 
Incompetency or fraud. Neither liospitals, medicines, surgeons nor nurses ade- 
quate to the needs of the army were provided, and even at the camp but a few 
miles from the Capital of the Nation, within an hour's ride from the War 
Department, and almost in sight of the White House, soldiers lay for da.ya, 
delirious with typhoid fever, with their clothes on just as they fell, without 
even a sheet under them and almost without attention of any sort. A similar 
condition existed in nearly every camp in the country, only other camps went 
longer without relief than did Camp Alger. 

When the troops were landed near Santiago they were not properly pro- 
vided with hospital equipment or medical supplies or camp equipments or 
rations. The troops had been crowded into transports insufficient in space for 
the nuipber put aboard, and hurried off with much of their equipment left 
behind, and practically no provision made for landing such store* as tbey 
might have on reaching their destination in Cuba. The report of Frank J, 
Hecker, Colonel and Quartermaster,, TJ. S. Volunteers, Chief of the Transporta- 
tion Division, who was himself responsible for the transportation, says that 
vessels were fitted out at Port "Tampa to convey General Shaf ter's armv of 
from twenty to twenty-flve thousand men, and that upon embarkation of the 
troops it was found that the vessels would not safely and cemfortably carry 
more than sixteen thousand men with their animals, equipment, ammunition 
and medical supplies on a voyage of a tliousand miles; and that upon the dis- 
embarkation of the army difficulty was encountered by reason of the lack of 
sufBcient means for lightering the vessels. The fact was that the entire army 
was transported with scarcely any provision being made forMts disembarka- 
tion or for landing camp equipments, rations and hospital and medical sup- 
plies. The official report made to Congress by Secretary Alger of the opera- 
tion Of the Coipmissary, Quartermaster and Medical Departments is a record 
of confession, ftccuse and apology. Shafter> army in the vicinity of Santiago 
was without shelter, without hospital facilities and short of rations. Those 
who were down with the fever and those who wei'e wounded were neglected 
for want of proper facilities for treatment, while the convafescent, hurried 
out of hospitals before they were well, to make room for others, were fed upon 
coarse rations which even the stomachs of the well rejected. The whole army 
was nearly depleted through this management of the War Department and 
the incompetency or fraud of those whose diity it was to provide. This condi- 
tion lasted with more or less aggravated horror throughout the war, and at 


the close an army of invalids was brought iiafiK to ilontauli Point on Long 
Island, there ag-ain to sufEer hardships thi-ough want ot preparation for their 

After all the experience of the war, and when ample time was possible and 
abundant means available, the War Department showed similar incompetency ■!; 
in providing for the reception of the soldiei-s returning home from the war 
wiounded, sick with fever, or utterly broken in health. After the surrender of 
the Spanish at Santiago, the American army was in a deplorable condition, 
and the proposition to remove it a few miles back fromi the coast instead of 
bringing the men home almost resulted in revolt. Theodore Roosevelt, now 
the Republican candidate for Vifce President, was at the head of a movement 
in protest against the tardiness of the Department in looking after the wel- 
fare of the troops. He wrote a personal protest himself, and was active in 
the preparation of a petition and protest known as the "round robin," which 
was signed by Major-General Kent, Major-General Bates, Brigadier-General 
Chaffee, Brigadier-General Sumner, Brigadier-General Ludlow, Brigadier- 
General Adelbert Ames, Brigadier-General Leonard Wood and Colonel Theo- 
dore Roosevelt 

Roosevelt's Protest. 

The following is Roosevelt's protest- 

Major-General Slaafter: 

Sir: In a meeting of the general and medical offlcenrs called by you at the palace 
this morning n-e were all, as you know, unanimous in view of what should be done 
with the army. To keep us here, in the opinion of every officer commanding a division 
or a brigade, will simply involve the destruction of thousands. There is no possible 
reason for not shipping practically the entire command north at once. 

Men Rijbe for Yellow Fever. 

Yellow fever cases are very few in the cavalry division, where I command one of the 
two brigades, and not one true case of yellow fever has occurred in this division, except 
among the men sent to the hospital at Slboney, where they have, I believe, contracted 
it. But in this division there have been 1,500 eases of malarial fever. Not a man has 
died from it, but the whole command is so weakened and shattered as to be ripe for 
dying like sheep when a real yellow fever epidemic, instead of a fake epidemic like the 
present, strikes us, as it is bound to if we stay here at the height of the sickness sea- 
son, .August and the beginning of September. Quarantine against malarial fever is like 
quarantine against the toothache. 

AH of us are certain, as soon as the authorities at Washington fully appreciate the 
conditions of the army, to be sent home. If we are kept here it will in all human 
possibility mean an appalling disaster, for the surgeons here estimate that over half 
the army, if kept here during the sickly season, will die. That is not only terrible from 
the standpoint of the Individual lives lost, but it means ruin from the standpoint of the 
military efficiency of the flower of the American army, for the great bulk of the regu- 
lars are here with you. 

Not 10 Per Cent Fit for Service. 

The sick list, large though it is, exceeding 4,000, affords but a faint index of the 
deBIUtatlon of the army. Not 10 per cent, au-e fit for active work. Six weeks on the 
north Maine coast, for instanoe, or elsewhere, where the yellow fever germ cannot 
possibly propagate, v.'ould make us all as fit as fighting cocks, able, as we are eager, 
to take a leading part in the great campaign against Havana in the fall, even if we 
are act allowed to trj; Porto Klca. 


We can be mofefl north, It' ffi(W¥a at once, with absolute safety to the ei3Hatrv, 
altliougTi, of couirse, It wottldliJia»e Ji'^oiiiJiiflnitely better if tvc -hail -boon .moved north 
or to Porto Eieo two weeks ago. If there were any object in Isecping us here we would 
face yellow fever-with as mucl^nditference as we face bullets, but there is no object 
In It. The four Immune re^lment3'di-dered here ai'e' mtieient to garrison the city and 
surrounding towns, and there is absolutely nothing for us to do here, and there has not 
Been since the city surrendered. It is impo'ssible to move into the interior. Every 
shifting of camp doubles the sick rate in bur present weakened condition, and, any- 
how, the interior is rather worse than the coast, as I have found by actual rceonnols- 
sauce. Our present camp's are as healthy as any camps at this end of the island can"l!fe> 

I write only because I cannot see our men, who fought so bravely and who have 
endured extreme hardships and danjfer so uncomplainingly, go to destruction without 
striving so far as lies in me to avert a doomas fearful as it is unuecessary and uude- 

iToui-s respectfully, 

Colonel, Commanding First Brigade. • 

The Round Robin. 

After Colonel Roosevelt had taken the initiative,' all the American general 
officers united in a round-robin addressed to General Shafter. It reads; 

We, the undarslgned officers, commanding the various brigades, divisions, etc., of the. 
army of occupation in Cuba, are of the unanimous opinion that this army should be at 
once taken out of the Island of Cuba and sent to some point on the northern seacoast of 
the ITnlted States;' that it can be done without danger to the people of the UnUed 
States; that yellow lever in the army at present it not epidemic; that there are only 
a few spasmodic cases; but thaf the army is disabled by malarial fever to the extent 
that its efficiency Is destroyed and that it is in a condition to be practically destroyed 
by tbe epidemic of yellow fever, which is sure to come in the near future. 

We know from the reports of competent offlcens and from personal observation that 
the army is unable to move into the interior and that there are not facilities for such 
a move if attempted, and that it could not be attempted until too late. Moreover, the 
best medical authorities of the island say that with our pirusent equipment we could 
not live in the interior during the rainy season without Ipsses from malarial fever, 
which is almost as deadly as yellow fever. 

Must Move or Perish. 

This army must be moved at once or perish. As the army can be safely moved now, 
the persons responsible for preventing such a move wiU be responsible foi' the unneces-^ 
sary loss of many thousands of lives. 

Our opinions are the result of carerul personal observation, and they are also based 
on the unanimous oiiinlon of our medical officers with the army, who understand the 
situation absolutely. 

J. Ford ICent, Major-Genciral Volunteers, commanding 1st Division, 5th Corpg. 

J. C. Bates, Major-General Volunteers, commanding provisional division. 

idna E. Chaffee, .'Uajor-General, commanding 3d Brigade, 2d Division. 

Samuel S. Sumner, Brigadior-Generai Volunteers, commanding 1st Brigade, Cavalry. 

Will Ludlow, Brigadier-General Volunteers, commanding 1st Brigade, 2d Division. 

Adelbert Ames, Brigadier-General Volunteers, commanding Sd Brigade, I'st Division. 

Leonard Wood, Bi-igadier-General Volunteers, commanding the city of Santiago. 

Theodore Roosevelt, Colonel, commanding 2d Cavalry Brigade. > 

Alger's Rebuke to Roosevelt. 

On August 6, the day after the publication of the Eooseyelt "round robin," 
Secretary Alger gave out the following correspondence betiveen himself and 
Ck)I. Theodore Roosevelt: 


Santiago, July 23, 1898. 

My Dear Mr. Secretary: j ,,, , > 'i-diu w>,oo1ot- Wp eampstlv 

I am writing with the knowledge ana approval of General ^^f '"" ^^rv diTiSn 
hope that you will send us-naost of the regulars Ubi, a^^any rate tfy^^^^j/Jj'^;""' 
including the Rough Riders, who are as good as any regulars, and thrte times as ^ood- 
as any State troops— to Porto Rieo. v„v,!n,i ^o,-,, 

Here are 18,000 effective me« in this division. If those who were left behind were 
Joined to them, we eduld land at Porto Rico in this cavalry division close to 4,000 men. 
Who would be worth easily any 10,000 National Guard, armed with black powder, 
Sn»iligfleld or other archaic weapons. 

Very respectfully, 


To this , Secretary Alger replied: 

Your letter of the iSd is received. The re^lar army, the volunteer army and the 
Bough Rider? have done well, but I suggest that, unless you want to spoil the effects 
and glory of your victory, you make no invidious comparisons. The Rough Ridei-s are 
no better than other volunteers. They had an advantage in their arms, for which 

they ought to be very grateful. .t„„„ 


Secretary of War. 

Camp Wyckoff at Montauk Point, Long Island. 

The "round robin" resulted in the armj^ being brought home. A site for hos- 
pitals and a detention camp was secured at Montauk Point, on Long Island, 
and duly named Oamp Wyckoff. The troops were brought home in badly ■•; 
provided transports, suffering terrible privations on the voyage, and, althougjh 
there had been ample notice of their coming, they were landed .on a bawen 
spot sick, dejected and helpless. In the report on Camp Wyckoff, included in 
the report of the Secretary of War, Major J. C. Brown, Surgeon TJ. S. Volun- 
teers, says that when the first troops arrived at 'Montauk there was scarcely 
any means of transporting supplies. 

"At the time," says the report, "thefe were no tents and no provisions whatever for 
the reception of these men, and the medical officer in charge erected tents and had the 
sick (some thirty in number) under cover by 11 a. m. the same, day. There were no 
cots, no mattresses and only one blanket for each man. It was raining at the time and 
the ground was wet. There was no lumber on hand to put floors in the hospital tents, 
and consequently the patients were laid on the ground. These men were suffering from 
different diseases contracted in Tampa, Pla., and which developed on the way to Mon- 
tauk. The greater portion had typhoid fever, quite a number malaria, a few cases 
of dysentery and one of measles. There was no food for these men, nor could any be 
purchased at this end of the line." 

The Embalmed Beef Contract. 

In the Commissary Department contracts were made at exorbitant prices 
for food for the army. Spoiled canned beef, "embalmed beef" and the refuse 
Of the world's market of "preserved" provisions of various sorts, taken out 
of the warehouses and off the shelves where they had lain for years unsalable, 
or out of the stock of rejected supplies, were furnished as rations for the army. 
Millions of dollars went into tlie pockets of contractors, while tons of provi- 
sions, all accepted and paid for, were thrown away and the army went hun- 

In the purchase or lease of transports enormous prices were paid for old 
hulks and the transactions were so flagrant witb scandal that all sorts ot 


devices have been resorted, to by the Administration to cover up the fraud 
and to prevent investigation land exposure. 

The scandals of the conduct of the war were so publi/;, and so clamorous 
were the demands for fiunlshment of those responsible for it that? it became 
necessary tor the President to order an investigation. This investigation of ■ 
the conduct of the war in itself furnished a scandal, both from the manner 
of its proceedings and the inconsistency and unwarranted character of its 
report which perverted the testimony. Notwithstanding all efCorts* to sup- 
press damaging evidence and to terrorize those who sought to tell the terri- 
ble truth of the treatment of out soldiers, the testimony given before the board 
was of a character damning to all those responsible, and disclosed that the 
Administration of the War Department had been inefHcient if not crlmiilal in 
some of its branches. 

'Notwithstanding the efforts of this War Board to whitewash the Adminis- 
tration, the evidence was so damaging that it was impossible for the Adminis- 
tration to escape censure, and the .report of the board, intended -as a vindica.- 
tion, was rejected by the whole people of thfe country; and it became iieces- 
sary for tlie Administration in some way to pur'ge Itself. A scapegoat was 
the imperative demand of the hour, and eventually Secretary Alger, who per- 
haps least of all was responsible for the scandals, was forced to retire from 
the Cabinet. 

The investigation into the character of the rations furnished the army was 
conducted with such manifest purpose to shield the Department that there 
was an almost universal public protest against its iiartiality and unfairness. 
Reputable witnesses who were in a position to know the true state of affairs 
and who stated their own experiences, were treated by the court of inquiry 
as if they were criminals before the bar of justice. Every ijossible effort was 
made (unsuccessfully) to discredit them, and they were made the objects of 
attack and brutal treatment, while countless witnesses, not even professing to 
speak from personal knowledge, who expressed opinions favorable to the De- 
partment, were treated with the utmost favor, and their testimony as to what 
they did not see was made the basis of the report favorable to the Department 
against the evidence of those who l^oth saw and experienced the horrors of 
the rotten-meat ration. 

Major Lee, in summing up th^ evidence before the court of inquiry, on 
behalf of General Miles, the General Obmmauding the Army, said that "the 
allegations made by General Miies are nothing more, nothing less, than the 
complaints brought to his official knowledge by the officers and men of the 
army who participated in active service during the recent war. These allega- 
tions, based on jl full belief in the correctness of said representations, are 
found in substance in hi.s statements before the War Commission, and relate 
specifically to certain meat supplies which are believed to have been. unsuitable 
for issue and deleterious to the health of the soldiers." 

Speaking lof the inspection of meats before purchase be said: 


What of inspection? Why, it appears in evidene*-' before this court that some of these- 
inspections, so-called, were so perfunctory that .canned meats were accepted "on the 

reputation of the packing firm." 

* ' * ■ « • • i,-' "ij ■ « ' « * 

ft was only after the.millions of pounds had passed ilnto the hands of receiving ofScers 
in the field,* after the issue to the troops, that the material defects, the unfitness for 
food was discovered. No swellers nor nail holes seem to have been observed in the 
packing houses at the time of the purchase. The Inspection and condemnation, of over 
40,0(50 pounds at Jacksonville by ^ Lieut. Col. Guild failed to reveal who was the pur- 
chasing ofllcer that received it as good. On repacking there by Armour's agent hun- 
dreds of cans were, as a sanitary measure, burned up in a crematory, and at Kansas 
City nearly 200 additional cans had become- so oflrensive that they had to be rejected. 

TKe testimony shows that every can that could be gathered from far and near was 
unloaded on the army; tha-t thousands of cases from Europe were recalled and the old 
stock at Staten Island and Locust Point, Baltimore, the latter having been in storage 
from two to four years, was received and rushed forward to meet the demands. 
**«* * * * ** 

The unfitness of the so-called roast beef and its nauseating and injurious character 
are conclusively shown by the official reports now before the court of not less than' 90 
per cent, of about 310 regimental and company otficers who were at the front. 


As J;o the embalmed beef Major Lee calfed attention to tbe fact tbat four 
witnesses testified in effect "tliat the commissary general stated that the re- 
frigerating people had a special proces's for preserving meat, and that one 
process was being tested at Tampa, Fla.; and 'in the next day or two,' as 
Armstrong testified, the commissary general informed him that of the four 
quarters that were tested, three stood the test, remaining sound at the end 
of seventy-two hours, the remaining one being damaged. ■ 

Mr. Armstrong states: 

General EJagan mentions that Swift & Co. had two representatives who explained to 
him fully that they possessed a new preservative that would keep the meat fresh and 
sound seventy-two hours after being taken out of the refrigerator. 

* ** * * * * * • 

He (General Eag.m) stated further that Armour & Co. also proposed to furnish meat 
that would be treated with a process t.hat would insure its keeping the length of time 
required under the contract. 

All this transpired before the opening of the bids on June 13, and shows clearly that 
a presen-ative process was then under favorable consideration. ' 

In controversion of the assertion of Armour & Company's agent that no 
chemicals had been used as a preservative, three witnesses, as follows, were 
produced to prove that Armour's agent had acknowledged to them that chem- 
icals were used: 

"1. Sergt. Edward Mason (p. 21?,,^), that upon ob.iocting to, or refusipg, cer-' 
tain beef in a car at Lakeland, Armour's .Tg?nt stated, in express terms, that 
'the beef had been chemically treated.' ^ 

"2. A. J. Gampher (pp. 2071, etc.), then lieutenant and commissary, tes- 
tified that at Lakeland, Fla., in August, Jloorehouse, Armour's agent, informed 
him that there was 'nothing the matter with the beef; that the spots on it 
were due to chemicals used in the preservation of the meat; that this had 
been done to prevent deterioration.' 


"3. Dr. Charles H. Caselo (pp. 3G55, etc.), then assistant surgeon, was pres- 
ent at Lakeland with Crfttiiiu Carmichael and Lieutenant Gampher and Ar- . 
mouf's agent (described as Moorefeouse), and testified with circumstantial de-, 
tall that said agent said 'that the beef was chemically treated.' " 

A report submitted to the court of the« result of au investigation by Lieu- 
tenant Colonel Garllngton, Inspector General, was rejected by the court, which 
refused to consfder It. This report sustained the allegations by General Miles, 
and presented a complete and exhaustive examination of the subject. It 
found that the canned roast beef was unlit, and that there was evidence to 
support the suspicion that the beef was embalmed. 

A fitting sequel to the worli of this court of injuiry organized to white- 
wash the War Department was the cDhrt martial of General Eagan, Commis- - 
sary General of thai^Arniy, one of the administration's proteges, and champion 
of the purveyors of spoiled meat. Before the court of inquiry, General Miles, 
the ranking officer of the Army, whose counsel the President ignored, and ■ 
whose services he had declined, had protested against the purchase and dis- 
tribution of uuwliolesome meats for the army. He made a statement, before 
the court, of tho facts that had been brought to his attention through com- 
plaints and reiJorts from tlxe proper officers of the army. In answer to a 
queslion by Col. Sexton, one of the members of tJie cQurt, as to whether the 
army at Porto Rico under Gen. Miles had beep abundantly supplied with 
commissary and quartermaster's stores. Gen. Miles replied: j 

They were supiiliod in a way— not, in my judgment, the best way. The same had 
system oxisted there as at Tampa in sending great quantities of stores. In Tampa, for 
iiislaiuT, Lho sujiplii-'S wcru spiit in cVrs witiiout Invqices or bills of lafling, anil it was 
Impossible for tho offlcerti to know what was in the cars or where the supplies were. 
At foitd Elco the same evilexisted. I had previously requested that complete rations 
be sent instead of sending them in bulk." 

Gen. Miles road an extract from a telegram by him to the Department ask- 
ing for shipment of complete ra.tions together instead of shipments in' bulk of 
supplies for the army. "But instead of that," he said, "the steam^'S were 
sent dowo luailed witli various parts of rations, without,invoices and without 
bills of lading: and not a man on the steamer knew what was on the ship. 
And large ciuantities of vegetables— for instance, potatoes and onions, and ar- 
ticles of that kind— would be stored down in the hold of the ship, and no one 
knew until they opened the hatches what was there. Very often the vegeta- 
bles wore spoiled by the heat in the steamers during the voyage, so that they 
had to be thrown overboard anfl the troops did not get them." 

Gen. Miles said that in his opinion the character of the food supplied was 
one of the causes of sickness and distress on the part of the troops. He then 
recounted the experience during the war of the rebellion, and the method of 
supplying beef on the hoof to the army at that time; but said this was not 
adopted in the Cuban War, and that he had telegraphed the Department re-, 
qtjestlng that no more fresh beef be sent to him at Porto Rico. He said that. 
,the beef sent to the harbor at Ponce for the troops, when they were two or 


three days, out from the base wouia be utterly worthless; and that there "wag 
sent to Porto Rico 337 tons of what Is known as, or called, refrigerated beef, 
which you might call embalmed beef, and'tiKefe was'also sent 198,508 pounds 
of what is known as canned fresh beef, which i was condemned, as far as I 
know, by nearly every officer whose command used it." 

'. He then submitted brief reports o? officers whose commands had used this 
beef, as follows: 

Fourth Infantry, Major Baker:— The beeK seemed to be of Inferior quality and was 
anything but palatable. Quite a-number of men could not and did not eat It. 

Sixth Infantry, Lieutenant-Colonel Miner:— The meat was utterly unfit ,as an article 
ol diet for either sick or well. It had no nutriment in it, and turned the stomachs • 
of men Who tried to eat it. , 

Ninth Infantry, Colonel Powell:— The meat produced disordered stomachs, was not 
nutritious, soon becam-e putrid, and in many of the cans was found in course of putre- 
faction when opened. 

Twelfth Infantry, Major Humphreys:— The meat issued presenfed such a repulsive 
appearance that men turned from it in disgust. "Nasty" is the only term that will 
fitly describe its appearance. Its use produced diarrhoea and dysentery. 

Thirteenth Infantry, Col. A. T. Smith:— Many complaints were made concerning the 
meat. . It was found very unpalatable, and is unfit for issue to troops. 

Seventeenth Infantry, Major 0'Brien:^The nutritious juices having been cooked out 
of the meat, it was neither nourishing nor palatable. It was often nauseating and 
. unfit for use. It should no longer be issued. 

Second Battalion, Twenty-first Infantry, Capt. J. W. Duncan:— The meat soon spoiled 
after opening the cans, the men soon tire of it, and it is not a proper food. It Is not 
equal in any way to canned corned beef. 

Twenty-second Infantry, Major Van Home:— The meat issued was nothing more than 
refuse after various kinds of soups had been extracted from it. Further issues of it 
should not be made. 

Third Cavalry, Major Jackson:- The meat used for catmiug was too fat, and as an 
article of diet soon became nauseating to a large majority of the men. If made ol 
good beef and property seasoned it might be satisifattory. 

Second Artillery, Colonel Haskin:— The meat was generally disliked, was soft, watery 
and insipid, ,agreeible to neither eye nor taste. The men could be induced to eat it only 
v-lien prepared as a siew. 

Fifth Artillery, Lieutenant-Colonel MeCrea:— The meat was unpalatable, because of 
the excess of fat in it. Its appearance was black and stringy, and none of the men 
liked it. When prenared as a stew it was more palatable. If less fat, and mixed with 
vegetables, it would deserve further trial. , 

Light BSttery K, First Artillery, Capt. Best, Sept. 28, 1898:— The appearance ol thp 
meat was not inviting. The men soon tired of it. 

First Cavalry, Brigadier-General Vielo, Nov. 30, 1898:— The meat was a miserable, 
apology for food in a hot climate, a slimy-looking mass ol beef scraps, unpalatable to 
the taste and repulsive to the sight. Competition for the contracts placed the prices 
so low that only tailings and scraps were used for canning. 

Ninth Cavalry:— Vtry unsati^sfactory; men soon tire of it, and will only eat it when 
they have nothing else. 

Tweuty-fourth Infantry, Major Thompson:— After a few days the meat became 
unpalatable; then men became disgusted with it, and would not eat it. 

When asked if canned beef was not a part of the army rations, the General 
replied that it was made a part of the army rations during this war to the ci^ 
tent of sending to Porto Rico nearly- 200,000 t)ounds of it, b«4 tt^ cu ii'Id not 
know who liad fixed it as an army ratios*; "Xou had better," he said, "ask 
the Secretary of War, or the Commissary General; I think they can tell you. 
I know it was sent tp the army as food, and the pretense is that it was sent 


as an exporiment; but anyone eou'ldihave tried it on his own.gtqmach to see, 
what tUo effect was without -isending 200,000 pounds of it. If there had 
befen pa.vmastei's down there,, the army could have bought food, but there 
was none there, although I requested on July 18th, that they be sent there— 
that was before I ever started from Guantanamo. Ultimately I gave di- 
rections to expend part of the funds o'btalne(!l at the custom-house in the 
purchase of fresh beef." 

Gen. Miles read before the board the report of Dr. W. H. Daly, Major and 
Chief Surgeon of Volunteers, who had charge of the Panama, which, was a 
ship loaded with the sicli and convalescent at Ponce and sent North, in which 
Dr. Daly stated that in several inspections he had made in various camps- 
and troop shiph at Tampa, Jacksonville, Chickamauga and Porto Rico, he had 
found the fresh beef to be apparently preserved with chemicals, which de- 
stroyed its natural flavor and which he also believed to be detrimental to the 
health of the troops. In this report Dr. Daly said that on duty at Tampa, 
Ool. "Weston, Chief Commissary, had shown him a quarter of beef that had as 
a test been sixty hours in the sun without being perceptibly tainted so far as 
the sense of smell could detect. Tlie report said: 

It Is impossible to Kcpp fresh beef so long untainted in the sun in that climate with- 
out the use of delolevious presetvalives, such as boric acid, salicylic acid, or nitrate 
potash, injected iato U in quantities liable to be hurtful to the health of the consumer. 

Gommeuliug on this. General Miles said: ' 

In my Judgment, 1 do not know, but I think that to be one at the causes of so large 
an amount of sickness in our camps. Take, for instance, the most favorably reported- 
Jacksonville. I sent to. ascertain the condition of that camp, and Surgeon GrcenJeaf 
reported that out of J7,36o troops at Jacksonville there were 4,041 away from duty on 
account of sickness; and it has been a mystery to me to ascertain what was the cause 
of so much sickness during this war, and possibly you have it here— I do not know. 
There may be other causes, of course. 

The GoHeral again read from the report of Dr. Daly in which it was said 
that much of the beef exajnined arriving on transports from the United States 
at Ponce, l^orto Rico, was of the same character, being apparently preserved 
by injected chemicals to aid deficient cold storage. 

"When detailed tq talie charge of the Panama," said Dr. Daly, "for convey- 
ing convalescents to the United States, I obtained 2,000 pounds of fresh beef 
from the commissary at Ponce. It looked well, but had an odor similar to 
that of a dead human body after being injected with preservatives, and it 
tasted when first cooked like decomposed boric acid, while after standing a 
day for further inspection it became so bitter, nauseous, and unpalatable as to 
be quite Impossible for use. I was therefore obliged, owing to its condition, 
and the just complaints of the sick about it, and the disgustingly sickening 
odor it emitted when being cooked, and its mawkish flat taste when served, 
and' the .«!afety of my patients — 255 convalescent soldiers on board— to organize 
a board of survey, condemn and throw 1,500 pounds, all we had, overboard, 
consequently the convalescents were entirely without much-needed fresh beef, 


making the duty of bringing the men to the United States in an improved 
condition a very difficult matter. t ■■: -■-■'^\ 

In my inspection cf the Fourth United States Volunteer Infantry at Jaeksonvllle 
recently I observed the same odor and taste upon the fresh beef, but not so marked, 
and at camp of Sixth Upited States Volunteer Infantry at Chicamauga I also, at several 
inspections, observed it markedly* I there inspected a lot of beef just issued to that 
regiment, and, while it looked well, was of a sickening odor, like a human body dead 
of disease and injected with preservatives, and when cooked it was quite unpalatable, 
consequently likely to prove an effleient cause of ill health. The men complained of 
its insipid and mawkish flavor, that high seasoning could not conceal. 

There have been a great many reports furnished at different times, but he seemed 
to be Insisting very^zealously that this beef sliould be used, and in his testimony, as I 
saw it printed in the papers, he made a statement that no one of sense would decline 
to receive this refrigerated beef instead of beef on the hdof at Porto Rico, which rather 
reflected upon the commanding general of that expedition. 

The expedition was in command of Gen. Miles himself. 

It was suggested by Gen. Dodge, one of the members of the Court of In- 
quiry, that the officer wlio made this report, meaning Dr. Daly, did not make 
any chemical analysis of the beef, and it was just a matter of opinion as to 
the appearance of the beef and the use of it which he expressed. To this 
Gen. Miles replied that "he made an expert exalmination of it as a medical offi- 
cer, who was accustomed to the use of chemicals' of the description that are 
used for embalming bodies." 

Gen. Eagan's Scurrilous Abuse of Gen. Miles. 

* This testimduy of Gen. Miles, with reference to the "embalnjed" beef, so 
angered and excited Gen. Bagan,— who appeared to be the champion of the 
contractors who were furnishing it,— that he made the following violent state, 
ment in regard to it: 

if and when General Miles cnarges that it (meaning tinned fresh beei) was fur- 
nished as a "pretense of experiment," he lies in his throat, he lies in his heart, he lies 
in every hair of his head and every pore of his body; he lies wilfully, deliberately. 
Intentionally, and maliciously. If tils statement is true that this was furnished under 
"pretense of experiment," then I should be drummed out of the Army and incarcerated 
In State prison. If this statement is false, as I assert it to be, then he should be 
drummed out of the service and incarcerated in prison with other libeiers. 

His statement is a scandalous libel, reflecting upon the honor of every officer in the 
department who has contracted for or purchased this meat, and especially and par- 
ticularly on the Commissary General— myself. In denouncing General Miles as a liar, 
when he makes this slatement, I wish to make it as emphatic and coarse as the state- 
ment Itself. I wish to force the lie back into his throat covered with the contents of 
a camp latrine. I wish to brand It as a falsehood of whole cloth without a particle of 
truth to sustain it, and unless he can prove his statement he should be denounced by 
every honest man, barred from the clubs, barred from the society of decent people, 
and so ostracised that the street bootblacks would not- condescend to speak to him, tor 
he has fouled his own nest, he has aspersed the honor of a brother officer without a 
particle of evidence or tact to sustain in any degree his scandalous, libelous, malicious 
falsehood, viz., that this beef or anything whatever was furnished the Army under 
"pretense of experiment." 

This at Waslilngtou, D. C, January 21, 1899. 

For this foul and libellous language General Eagan was tried before a 
Court Martial and found "guilty." 


The President Revyards Gen. Eagan, , 

TEis sentence was mocUiiecl-hy ^President McKinley as follows: 

' t 

Executive Mansion, Washington, February 7, 1899. 

The accusefl, after a trial by court-martial composed of officers of high rank and 
distinguished services, has been found guilty of conduct unworthy an otBcer holding 
a commission of the United States, and obnoxious iS the highest degree to the discipline 
and good order of the military establishment. 

Such behaviot is especially deserving of condemnation in an officer holding high rank 
In the Army and ciiarged with the performance of difficult and important admlnistra-. 
tive duties in a. time of great public emergency and from whom, when subjected to 
adverse criticism, an unusual- degree of restraint and unfaHing self-control are confi- 
dently expected. 

The proceedings, findings and sentence in the case of Brigadier General Charles P. 
Eagan, Commissary General of Subsistence, United States Army, are therefore ap- 
proved. , 

In view, how«ver, of his gallant conduct in battle, upon more than one occasion, 
wtilch merited and has received the warm commendation of his superiors, and of his 
long and honorable record of service, extending over a period surpassing in duration 
that usually allotted to a generation; having regard, also, to 'the mitigating circum- 
stances which were developed during the tiial of the ease, and in deference to the 
recommendation to clemency submitted in his behalf, the sentence imposed by the , 
court is commuted to suspension from rank and duty for s-ix years. 


'After having furnished the soldiers of the- army, -who were fighting in the 
field, or lying in fever-striclien camps, with "tinnell beef," "canned rAast 
beef," and "refrigerated beef," purchased in great quantities at exorbitant 
prices from contractors whose- champion and defender he afterwards became; 
after hundreds and thousands of soldiers had, accprding to the testimony of 
most competent authorities— officers of the medical corps and of the line— been 
injured in health by being compelled to eat this unwholesome food or go hun- 
gry; after having used the foul and brutal language in defense of the beef 
contractors for which he was tried by court martial; and, standing as he did 
In an atmosphere of scandal with the 9omplaints and protests of the whjole 
country sounding in his ears, and the ghastly spectacle presented by our , 
starving and fever-striclien soldiers on their return from the war— Gen. Eagan 
was thus relieved by the President from the penalty Inflicted upon him by 
the court martial, and was given a certificate of character and an excuse in 
"mitigating circumstances" and finally rewarded by relief from all duty for 
six years on full pay. 

Under such conditions the American patriotic army fionght the war and 
won the victory over Spain for which the administration seeks the reward of 
continuance in power.. „ i 

For the war the whole people are responsible. The credit for the victory is 
due the brave men who unselfishly and in a spirit of lofty patriotism rislied 
their lives and endured the suffering and privation inflicted upon them 
through the faults of the administration. The responsibility for the unneces- 
sary suffering and loss of life and health, and for the shameful scandals alone 
rests with the administration of President MoKinley* 


Wreaths cannot be taken from the graves of our dead heroes to make a 
crown of laurel for McKinley's brow, nor can Hanna and his speculative' 
friends claim the honors of the victory while counting their profits from the 
war. ' • ' " 


PART FOl]R.-The Republic or the Empire. 


Peace Negotiations With Spain.— Terms of the Protocol. 

The brilliant operations of our array and navy compelled Spain to sue for 
peace in a little more than three months after the declaration of war in April, 
1898. A protocol or preliminary agreement as a basis for a treaty of peace was 
entered into by the two governments on the 12th day of August, 1898. In 
that it was definitely agreed that Siiain would relinquish ail claim to sov- 
ereignty over Cuba, and that she would cede to the United States all her 
other West Indian possessions, and an island in the Ladrones to be selected 
by the United States. These points were not to be open to discussion in the 
negotiation for a treaty of peace. Definite arrangements were provided for 
the evacuation by Spain of all the Spanish West India Islands. The agreement 
contained the following article concerning the Philippines: 

"The United States will keep and hold the city, bay and harbor of Manila 
pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace which shall determine and control 
the disposition and government of the Philippine Islands." 

Hostilities were to be suspended during the negotiations of the treaty of 
peace. These negotiations were to take place in Paris commencing October 
1, 1898, <and to be conducted by five commissioners on the part of each govern- 

It was the reasonable expectation of our people that Spain would be re- 
quired to give the United States the conquerer's right to "indemnity for the 
past and security for the future." Indemnity would Include the cost of the 
war, full compensation for the destruction of the Maine and a sum equal to 
all claims of our citizens for injuries Inflicted upon them by Spain in Cuba. 
It was believed that Spain would in any event be required to relinquish all 
claim to sovereignty over the Philippines. This might be only as security for 
the future, or it might also be as a payment of some portion of indemnity 
for the past. Her title to th'ose islands was clouded by the firm grasp of the 
natives on the Island of Luzon, as well as by our own right o.f conquest of. the 


bay and harbor of Manila. She could not give us possession of anything in 
that islaad but the city of Manila. In the face of these facts the provision 
in the treaty— that twenty millions should be paid by the United States to 
Spain for the cession of the Philippiie group— was at once well-nigh univer- 
sally condemned, and was only assented to by the Senate because of the gen- 
eral reluctance to contiaue the state of war, and to render possible the renewal 
of hostilities, . '' 

The Treaty.— Its Conditions as to Ratification. 

Th6 treaty was signed at Paris, December 10, 1898. By its terms it was 
"to be ratified by the President of the United States, by and with the consent 
of the Senate thereof, and by Her Majesty, the gjueen Regent of Spain." These 
ratifications were to be exchanged within six months from the date of the 
treaty, or earlier if possible. The six months would expire on the 10th of 
June, 1899. The treaty was communicated to the Senate January 4, 1899, 
but was not ratified until B'ebruary 6th of that. year. It was ratified by Spain 
March 20. It was without 'any legal force whatever until April 11, when the 
ratifications had been exchanged. These dates-are given as follows, in a head- 
note to the treaty'as ofiicially published: 

"Ckincluded at Paris December 10, 1S9S; ratification advised by the Senate 
February 6, 1899; ratified by the President February 7, 1899; ratifications ex- 
changed April 11, 1899; proclaimed April 11, 1899." 

From the r2th of August, 1898, therefore, until April 11, 1899, the UniteS 
States was pledged to Spain to occupy only the city, bay and harbor of 
Manila. During that period the war with Spain was only suspended. What- 
evfer sovereignty Spain had over the Philippines she retained until the ex- 
change of the ratifications of the treaty. Until April 11, 1899, therefore, the 
United States could not extend its military occupation beyond the "city, baj; 
and harbor of ManUa' without a flagrant violation of the protocol. 

Our Filipino AIIies.-Masters of the Entire Island Except the 

City of Manila. 

We have the authority of Admiral Dewey for the fact that Aguinaldo was 
by him "allowed to land at Cavite and organize an army" in May,' 189^, "with 
the pui-pose of strengthening the United States forces and wealjening those of 
the euemy." (Senate Document No. 138, 50th Congress, 1st Session, page 172.) 
We have the authority of the Piilippine Commission, composed of Schurman, 
Otis, Dewey, Denby and Worcester, for the following statement (Ibid.);, 

Shortly afterwanls the Filipinos began to attack the Spaniards. Their number was 
raplctly augmented by the militia, who had been given arms by Spain all of whom 
reyolted and Joined the insurgents. Great Filipino succes|es followed.' Many Span- 
iards were taken prisoners, and while the Spanish troops now remained quietly in 
IVIanila, the Fllipijio forces made themselves masters of the entire island except "that 
city. On the arrival of the troops commanded by General Anderson at Cavite Ao-uin- 
aldo was requested by Admiral Dowc.v to vacate that pljice, and he moved his headauat^ 
ters to the neighboring town of Bacoor. 


Between some time, therefore, in May, 1898, and the «!gning of the protocol 
witli Spain in August, the Spaniards retained possession of the city of Manila; 
the United States forces occupied the harbor of Manila and so much of the 
shore (including Cavite after the 1st of July) as was necessary for their accom- 
modafion and convenience and for operations against the city of Manila; and 
the revolutionary forces^ of the Filipinos under Aguinaldo continued to be 
"masters of the entire is>nd (of Luzon.) -except that city." 

On August 13, the day following the signing of fhe protocol with Spain, but 
without knowledge of that event, the American forces took, the city of 
Manila. " 

In all the communications between Aguinaldo and the Commander of the 
United States forces, Aguinaldo was addressed by Generals Anderson and 
Merritt as the "Commanding General of the Filipino Forces." Senator Hoar, 
in his speech in the Senate, April 17, 1900, truly said: 

"But for what they did, the army of Spain could have withdrawn itself , 
from'the neighborhood of our fleet, and could have held its own against our 
military forces very likely up to this moment." 

01, course the Filipinos, under such conditions, established a provisional gov- ■ 
ernment of their own. There was first a dictatorship under Aguinaldp, the 
revolutionary chief, but he declared it to be temporary only, and preparatory 
to a true republic to be formed in due time. 

The President's Declaration of War Against the Filipinos 

Three Months Before the Philippines Came Under 

the Sovereignty of tho United States. 

These proceedings never elicited a protest or objection from any military or 
^ civil authority of the United States until December 21, 1898, when an order of 
the President was made public directing the Secretary of War to immediately 
extend the military government, then maintained by the United States in the 
city, bay and harbor of Manila, to the entire group of the Philippine Islands. 
This order was as follows; 

"Adjutant General's Otfice, 
"Washington, December 21, 1898." 
"MAjor General E. S. Otis, U. S. Volunteers, Commanding Department of the 

Pacific, and Military Governor of the Philippine Islands, Manila:. 

"Sir: By direction of the Secretary of War, I have the honor to transmit 
herewith instructions of the President relative to the administration of affairs 
in the Philippine Islands. 

"Executive Mansion, Washington, December 21, 1898. 
"To the Secretary of War: _ ^ 

"Sir: The destruction of the Spanish fleet In the harbor of Manila by the 
United States naval squadron commanded by Real Admiral Dewey, followed 
by the reduction of the city and the surrender of the Spanish forces, practi- 
cally effected the conquest of the Philippine .Islands and the suspension of 
Spaoish sovereignty therein. 



"With the signature'of the treaty of peace between the United States and 
Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries at Pans on the 10th instant, and 
as the result of the victories of .American arpis, the future control, disposiUon 
and government of the Philippine Islands are ceded to the United States. In 
the fulfillment of the rights of sovereignty thus acquired and the responsible 
obligations of government thus assumed, the actual' occupation arid admmis- 
tration of the entire group of the Philippine Islands becomes immediately nec- 
essary, and the military government heretofore maintained by the United 
States in, harbor and bay of Manila is to be extended with all possible 
dispatch to the whole of the ceded territory. 

"In performing this duty the military commander of the United Staples is 
enjoined to make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that, in 
succeeding to the sovereignty of Spain, in severing the former political rela- 
tions of the inhabitants, and in establishing a new political power, the author- 
ity of the United Statfes is to be exerted for the securing of the persons and 
property of the people of the islands and for the confirmation of all their pri- 
vate rights and relations. It will be tlie duty of the commander of the forces 
of occupation to announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we 
come, not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends to protect the natives in 
their homes, in their employments and in their personal and religious rights.. 
' AU isersons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, co-operate with 
the (lovei-nment of the United States to give effect to these beneficent purposes 
will receive the reward of its support and protection. All others wiU be 
brought within the lawful ruje we have assumed, with firmness if need be, but 
without severity, so fi^r as may be possible. 

"Within the absolute domain of military authority, which necessarily is and 
must remain supreme in the ceded territory until the legislation of the United 
States shall otherwise provide, the municipal laws of the territory In respect 
.to private rights and property and the repression of crime are .to be considered 
as continuing in force, and to be administered by the ordinary tribunals, so 
far as practicable. The operations of civil, and municipal government are to 
be^ performed by such officere as may accept the supremacy of the United 
States by taking the oath of allegiance, or by officers chosen, as far as may 
be practicable, from the inhabitants of the islands. 

"While the control of^U the public property and the revenues of the state 
passes with the cession, and while the use and management of all public 
means of traflsportation are necessarily reserved to the authority of the United 
States, private property, whether belonging to individuals or corporations is t<. 
be respected except for cause duly established. The taxes and duties hereto- 
for payable by the inhabitants t& the late government become payable to the 
authorities of the United States unless it be seen fit to substitute for them 
other ren,;onable rates or modes of contribution to the expenses of government 
whether general or local. If private property be taken for military use it 
shall be paid for when possible, in cash, at a fair valuaUon, and when oav 
ment in cash is cot practicable receipts are to be siven. 


"All ports and places In the Philippine Islands in the actual possession of 
the land and naval forces of the United States will be opened to the commerce 
of all friendly nations. All good^' and wares not prohibited for military rea- 
sons by due announcement of the military authority will be admitted upon 
payment of such duties and other .charges as shall be in force at the time of 
their importation. 

"Finally, it sliould be the earnest and paramount aim of the miltary ad- 
ministration to win the confidence, respect and affection of the inhabitants of 
the Philippines by assuring them in every possible way that full measure of 
individual rights and liberties, which is the heritage of free peoples, and by 
proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of benevolent 
assimilation, substituting the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary rule. 
In the fulfillment of this high mission, supporting the temperate administra- 
tion of affairs for the greatest good of the governed, there must be sedulously 
maintained the strong arm of authority, to re^'ess disturbance and to over- 
come all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of good and stable govern- 
ment upon the people of the Philippine Islands under the free flag of the 
United States. - ^r:: - ^.WILLIAM McKINLEY, 

*'.Very respectfully, V H. C. CORBIN, 

: "Adjutant General. 
"By order of the Secretary of War: 

1 "H. C. COBBIN, 
"Adjutant General." 

In other words, "your allegiance or your lives," December 21, 1898 — nearly 
four months be(fore Spanish sovereignty had been extinguished by the ex- 
change of ratifications of the treaty April 11, 1899. 

This vras a declaration of war against the provisional government of the 
Filipinos, which had been established without objection by the United States, 
and maintained by a military organization which had been oiBclally recognized , 
by our military commanders, and with which friendly arrangemects had been 
made from time to time, pending the negotiation of the treaty , of peace with 
Spain. The war thus declared by the President against our peaceful allies, 
then occupying Spanish territory, was to be a war of extermination of all 
who should resist United States military rule anywhere in the Philippine 
Islands at that time. All necessary "firmness" and "severity" were especially 
authorized. How "mild" the "sway;" how "benevolent" the "assimilation." 

This order was issued forty-seven da.ys before the ratification of the treaty 
of peace by the Senate of the United States, February 6, 1809, and three ' 
months before its ratification by the Crown of Spain, March 20, 1899. The 
treaty ha'd no existence as such, and therefore ceded nothing in the Philippines 
until iCach nation had notified the other of its ratification on the 11th of April. 

The President's Violation of the .Protoc^/l With Spain. 

It is beyond controversy that the President's order of December 21st was 
a flagrant violation of the third article of the protocol. By that article tha 


President was obliged to limit United States military occupation in the Phil- 
ippines to the "city, bay. and harbor of Manila" during the negotiation of a 
treaty of peace. Until the treaty had been ratitied by the United States Senate 
and by the Spanish Crown, and until these, ratifications had been exchanged 
the President had no more rig^ht to occui^y any other portion of these islands 
than lie now has to order the military occupation of the Spanish Peninsula,- 
He had agreed in the protocol, in the very article which thus limited our mili- 
tary occupation, that the treaty of peace should "determine the control, dis- 
position and government nf the Philippine Islands." This nn open ques- 
tion, to be determined by the treaty, whether Spain would cede the islands 
or any portion of them to- the United States, or whether the United States 
would recognize the coatinuance therein of Spanish sovereignly. Vet the_ 
President himself undertook in this order the control, disposition and govern- 
■ ment of the islands, nearly fcJur months before the treaty of peace had be- 
come operative. 

With extraordinary audacity, veiled with childlike simplicity, the President 
himself thus briefly groups the facts above stated. Addressing the Secretary 
of State, on the 20th of January, 1899, he said (Senate Document No. 106, 56tli 
Congress, 1st Session, page 185): 

My communication to the Secretary of War, dated December 21, 1898, declares the 
necessity of extending the actual occupation and administration of the city, bay and 
harbor of M-anila to the whole of the territory which, by the treaty of Paris, signed 
on I/eceniber 10, 1808, passed from the sovereignty of Spain to the. sovereignty of the 
United States, and the consequent establishment of military government throughout, 
the entire group of the Philippine Islands. 

White the treaty has not yet been ratifled, it is believed that it will be by the time 
at the arrival at Manila of the commissioners named below. 

This was dated January 20. The treaty was ratified by the Senate on Feb-, 
ruary 6. How could the Philippine Islands have "passed from the sovereignty 
of Spain to the sovereignty of the United States" under a treaty not yet rati- 
fied? What virtue had the signatures of the commissioners December 10— 
nearly two months before it was known whether the United States Senate 
'would accept the cession, and three mouths before it was known whether 
Spain would make the cession? It would have been a gross abuse of power 
if any such order had been made by the President even after the ratification 
of the treaty. What right would he then have had to forestall the action of 
.' Congress as to the civil and political status of the Philippine Islanders? How 
could Congress freely exercise its judgment as to what would be best for our 
government and for the Filipinos after the latter had unnecessai-ily been made 
our implacable enemies by the despotic and war-making order of December 

The President's Disregard of the Constitution, of Interna- 
tional Law and of the Terms of the Treaty. 

The President's order can only be justified upon the assumption that the 
ci-eaty of peace tooii eflect when signed by the Commissioners and approved 


by himself. Such an assumption is absolutely forbidden by the Constitution 
of the United States, which provides (Art. II., Section I) that the President 
"shall have povi^er, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make 
treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur." He cannot in- 
voice international law as overriding this provision in our own Constitution, 
for every nation determines for itself what shall be the source of Its treaty- 
making power. On this subject Wheaton says: 

The municipal constitution of evety particular State determines In wliom resides the 
autljority to ratify treaties negotiated and .concluded with foreign powers so as to 
render them obligatory upon tie nation. In absolute monarchies it is the preroga- 
tive of the Sovereign himself to confirm the act of his plenipotentiary by his final sanc- 
tion. In certain limited or constitutional monarchies the consent of the legislative 
.power of the nation ls_ in some cases required for that purpose. In some Eepubllcs, 
as in that of the United States of America, the advice and consent of the Senate are 
essential to enable the Chief Executive Magistrate to pledge the nation's faith In this 
form. In all these cases It is consequently an implied condition in negotiating with 
foreign powers that the treaties concluded by the Executive Government shall be sub- 
ject to ratification in the manner prescribed by the fundamental laws of the State. 
(Wheaton's International Law, Part III., Chapter II, Section 6, Page 455.) 

Were this country an absolute monarchy, the President's approval would 
have sufficed according to the above statement of 'tl;e rule. But this preroga- 
tive of a sovereign does not belong to our President To every h'eaty nego- 
tiated by our envoys, and approved by him, the ratification of the Senate is an 
"Implied condition" which must first be complied with before the treaty can 
have any force or efCect. Wheaton adds that "in practice the full powers 
given by the government of the United State^ to their plenipotentiaries al- 
ways expres-sly reserve the ratification of the treaties concluded by them, by 
the President with the advice and consent of the Senate." Article XVII cf 
the treaty wltli Spain shows that instrument to have been no exception to 
this rule. It declares that "the present treaty shall be ratified by the Pres- 
ident of the United States by and with the advice and consent of the Senate 
thereof, and by Her Majesty, the Queen Regent of Spain," Had there been 
no constitutional restriction upon the President's power, this provision of the 
treaty would have tied his hands until its ratification as thus provided for. 

Eet us see If there is any case in which s^ treaty is binding and effective 
from the date of its signature. Wheaton says, in Part III, Chapter II, Sec- 
tion 5: "Every treaty is binding on the contracting parties from the time ot its 
signature unless it contain an express stipulation to the contrary." In 
the Spanish treaty there was an expres's stipulation, malting its ratification 
a condition. Had this been omitted, it would, as we have seen, been sub- 
ject under our Constitution, to thif "implied condition" of subsequent rat- 
iflca'tion by the Senate. Following the above quotation, Wheaton gives ex- 
amples in which European powers, by agreement among themselves, com- 
, menced the execution of treaties before the exchange of ratifications; but 
lest this should be taken as a precedent applicable to the United States, he 
says, in a note: "It is presumed that there is a constitutional impediment to ^ 


such an arrangement when the United States are a party, as the Senate must 
concur in every treaty or international convention." 

We are forced to the conclusion, therefore, that the Presklcnt's orders of 
December 21st violated the protocol with Spain, and directed the commence- 
ment of a war against her revolutionary subjects upon soil still remaining un- 
der Spanish sovereignty. This would liave fully justified a resumption of 
hostilities by Spain. If, however, the Spanish sovereignty was to be ignored 
by him, prior to its termination by the treaty of peace, then the President's 
order was a declaration of war against a de facto government o£. the Fili- 
pinos, who were admittedly in possession of "the entire island (of Luzon) ex- 
cept the city, bay and harbor of Manila," Under no view of the case had ' 
the President any right to malie war upon the Filipinos. Technically they 
were still Spanish subjects in revolution against Spanish sovereignty. That 
being the ease, he was restrained by the protocol with Spain. If they were 
successful revolutionists, under a de facto government, he could not in- 
augurate hostilities against them without usurping the war-malsing power, 
which the Constitution ve^ts exclusively in Congress. The United States had 
no rightful authority anywhere in the Philippines, except in the city, bay and 
harbor of Manila, until the treaty was ratified by Spain as well as by the 
United States, and the ratifications exchanged, which did not talce place until 
nearly four months later— April 11th, 1899. 

Gen. Otis and His Friends the Spaniards. 

In his annual report 'as Commanding General and Military Governor of 
the Philippine Islands, dated August 31st,' 1899, Gen. Otis narrates what he 
deems the most important events from June 30th, 1898, to that date. In 
this report he throws much light upou the President's premature move- 
ments in extending military rule over the Philippines before the conclusion of 
the treaty of peace made it lawful for him to do so. Having brought his 
narrative up to December 9th, 1898, he says: (Page 54 of the report). 

The sphere of United States action in the Philippmes was now about to be enlarged. 
During the last Interview with General EIos's staff officer on the subject ot inter-island 
trade, alluded to in a former portion of this report, he submitted a proposition for the 
relief of the Spanish garrison at Hollo by our troops, saying that General Rios would 
be pleased to turn that city over to the United States authorities and withdraw to 
Zamboanga. The proposition was discussed, but immediate action was not considered 
practicable, and he was requested to convey to the General our appreciation of his 
offer and to report that permission would be sought to accept it as soon as the Paris 
treaty negotiations Indicated unmistakably that the United States would succeed to the 
government of the islan-ds. 

Here we find Gen. Otis maliing arrangements with the represenUtives of 
Spain— then our public enemy— at the expense of our friends and allies, the 
native Inhabitants. 

Eagerness of Otis to Extend Military Rule. 

He did not propose to wait until the United States should succeed to' the 
jEJwernment of the islands, but only untU the negotiations should indicate un- 


mistaka'bly that their cession to the United States would occur at a future 
time. He must have considered the signing of the treaty by the Peace Com- 
missioners on the 10th of December as the unmistaliable Indication for 
which he liad to wait, for continuing he says: (Ibid p. 55.) , 

About December_i;j a petition was received, signed' by tlie business men and firms 
ol Iloilo, asking fur American protection there. On December 14 I cabled to Wash- 
ington the followlujy: / 

"Bankers and merchants with business houses at IloIl(> petition American protection 
at Hollo. Spanish authorities are still holding aut, but will receive United States troops. 
Insurgents reported favorable to American annexation. Can send troops. Shall any 
action be takeq?" 

Otis Thought Instruction From Washington Unnecessary. 

Whether he had been Instructed from Washington to have such a petition 
sent to him, and what reply to make to it, does not appear; nor is the fact 
material. 'We are only concerned Vith what followed. General Otis proceeds: 

INo response was received until the 19th 'of that month, wb.en I was Informed that the 
'resident and Secretary were absent from Washington, ani 'that a consideration of 
my question would await their return, which would be shortly. Appreciating the great 
desirability. of secni;Ing possession of this city, the second of the- Philippines in Import- 
}uce, I was anxious to receive an affirmative answer to my cable question of the 14th 
.'n'stant. It was reported that the Spanish t^'oops were hard pressed by the insurgents, 
who had made an attack a few days previpu?, declaring that, they would capture the 
town before the arrival of the Americans. It was also stated that the, attack had beon 
repulsed, with a loss to the insurgents of 300 men. 

The petition for protection which had been submitted by the business men appeared 
to me to furnish sufflcient ground upon which to base . intervention In their behalf, 
independent of specific Instructions from Washington, and I therefore, in conference 
with Admiral Dewey, asked that one of his war vessels convoy troops which I meditated 
sending to Iloilo at once. ^ 

The desirability of United States possession was certainly the motive; the 
petition of'the '-business" men, the pretext, 

■^ Otis Admiral Dewey. 

Otis was. so impressed with the power and authority of t.'tto "'business meli" 
of Iloilo that he thought their request "sufficient ground' for him to seize 
the city by military , foreo, "indepeudent of specific' instructions from Wash- 
ington." Admiral Dewey, more cautious, advised against it. As he could do 
nothing without Admiral Dewey's co-operation, he shared the latter's convic- 
tion. Having asked for a war vessel to convoy troops to Iloilo st ^rce 1^ 

"This the Admiral thought It ==3t ■.rUt tis iso, as we were awaiting STJthorlty 
which had =i'-^.,-j' iiM*: sought, and furthermore he was of the opinion 
cJi.i-*i*c^l Uios would hold out. I "Shared with him this latter conviction and 
awaited directions." 

The President Orders Otis to Send Troops to' Iloilo, Then in 
Spanish Possession. 
It is important to bear in mind that the President and his Secretary were 
absent from Washington on the IQth of December, and that Gen. Otis's mo- 



mentous question of extending military rnle in tlie I'liilippines must await , 
ttieir return, whicli would be shortly.' Tliat tlie President lost no time after 
his return in making the comprehensive order, or "proclamation," as it was 
termed by General Otis, is shown by the fact that that order was signed on 
the 21st of December. ^ 

Gen, Otis thus continues his report: ' . 

Oil December 23 the following dispatch was recci^scl: 

. "Wasliington, December 2.3, 1S38. 

"Otis, Mnnl'a: 

"Ai.swcriUK .vour message, December 14. the President directs that you send neces- 
sarj; troops to Iloih), to preserve the peace and protect 'Ate and property. It i.s most 
important that there slioiiid be no conflict with the insurgents. Be conciliatory, but 

"By order of the Secretary of War." 

These instructions wore conveyed to Admiral Dcyvey, and I cabled the folla,wing: 

"Manila, December -'3, 1838. 

"General Illos, , , , ■ ', i 

"Governor-GeUfrar Philippine Islands, lloilo, Panay: 
"A considerable United States force, Army and Navy, will leave Manila in two or 
three days, and its commanding general is ordered to confer with you at Iloiio. 

"United States Military Governor." 

Gen. Rios was the Spanish Governoi'-General. 

Spaniards Driven Out of Iloilo by Filipinos.— Depart;ure of 

U. S. IVIiiitary Expedition for Iloilo.— Instructions by 

Gen. Otis to Gen. Miller, Its Commander. 

Before this dispatch could reach Iloilo, General Rios and his Spanish force 
had evacuated the city, and the Filipino forces under Ay;uinaldo were In 
possession of the iilace. Gen. Rios telegraphed Gen. Otis on the 2-tth that the 
Spanish Government had ordered him to Manila where 'he» would arrive at the 
end of the montli. On the 2Gth a military expedition of a brigade, command- 
ed by Gen. Marcus B. Miller, sailed for Iloilo. The instructions given him by 
Gen. Otis, dated December i;4th, included a proclamation of a military gov- 
ernment at Iloilo, and full details as to the formatiou and administration of 
such government. He was informed that if the Spaniards were still in pos- 
session of Iloilo, they would transfer all authority to him peaeeably. Otis 
feared, however, that the Spanish troops might surrender the city to the in- 
surgents before the arrival of the expedition. But he romnrked that "every 
poissible precautionary measure liad been taken to retain the Spanish forces 
there." If he foynd the insurgents against Spain in iiossession, ho was to 
"proceed with great caution, avoiding all maiiifestalion of immediate forcible 
action, and undue display of forte." Gen. Miller was in that case to "malve 
known to the inhabitants the purpose of the United States, which, bavin" suc- 
ceeded to all tlie rights 'of Spain in the Philippine Islands under treaty stipula- 
tions following conquest in the Eastern and Western Hemispheres, intends 
to establiBh among them an efScient and most stable form of government." 


'At all times Gen. Otis treated tlie Spaniards as tlie friends and the FU- 
Iplnos as ttie enemies of the United States. He musi have been so Instructed. 

Otis Directs Gen. IWiller How to Deceive the Filipinos if They 
Are in Possession of Iloilo. 

When Gen. Otis wrote this he had not received the President's order of the 
21st of December, and did not receive it until the 29th— five days later. On 
the 26th, just as Gen. MUler's expedition was to sail from Manila, Gen. Otis 
gave him additional instructions which jvere as follows: (Ibid p. 59.) 

In case the Spanish forces have eracuated Iloilo, you will, on approaching that city, 
keep your transports Arizona and Pennsylvania well to the rear and beyond the view 
of the Inhabitants of Iloilo, and you will talje into Iloilo waters your naval escorts, 
the Baltimore and Callao, and the transport vessel Union, on which are the native 
Spanish -troops, with yourfve^sol, the Newport. You will make known to the insur- 
gent authorities the ob.iect of bringing the large force with you, which is, vi2. : To take 
possession of otiier porfTs in the islands, if conditions and circumstances are favorable, 
but that it may be necessar.v to keep troops at Iloilo until definite instructions concern- 
ing other ports of the islalids arc received from Washington. 

Gen. Otis- Orders the Seizure by Force if it is Not Peaceably 


On the 28th of December General Otis, having finally learned that Aguinaldo 
and his forces were in possession of Hollo, sent General Miller the following 
additional instruoyons: (Ibid. p. 60.) * . • 

By firmness and conciliatory action it is believed that you will be able to land your 
force without coiilliet; but you will make as strong a display of the same as possible, i 
landing them and raking ijosscssion of the city forcibly, if more peaceable measures 
are without avail. It is, of course, necessary now, in this stage of the proceedings, to 
occupy Iloilo, and the manner of doing so must be lelt to your discretion, avoiding 
conflict if possible, but, accepting it if necessary to accomplish the object. 

No further Instructions, can be given you, and there is no disposition to limit yonr 
discretionary action. Conduct affairs in accordance with the demands of the situa- 
tion, having in view always the^necessity of occupying tlie city with your troops. 

* « # ' '< * * « *' ,* « 

Since writing the above I am in receipt of information from the Malolos govern- 
ment, which was gathered yesterday. Its former cabinet ' resigned a few days ago 
because of its inability to agree with Aguinaldo and his confidential advisers. A new 
provisional cabinet has been appointed, consisting of men hostile to American annexa- 
tion, among whom ate a number of army officers. These men are closely watching the 
results of your expedition and greatly hope that you will be obliged to use force to 
gain Iloilo. They tliink that conflict there w;ouId inspire the people here to takS up 
arms against the Americans. It Is therefore still quite necessary to avoid force if you 
can do so and still succeed. 

Dewey Advises Recall of the Expedition.— Otis Refuses to 
Act Upon This Advice, 

These instructions were to be taken by Lieutenant Colonel Potter, Chief 

Engineer Officer of the Department. Before that officer sailed, however, Gen. 

Otis addressed him on the same day the following rather remarkable letter: 

(Ibid., p. 61.) 

Sir: Since delivering to you instructions for General Miller, I am In receipt of a dis- 
patct from Admiral Dewey saying it is not practicable to send the Callao to Iloilo, and 


be further thinks the proper thing now to do is to recall the expedition, as the Insur- 
gents are in full possession 'and will probably not give up without a fight. This 
expression ot view on the part of the Admiral only confirms my view that you should 
use every possible means of conciliation, and still I am not of the belief that the expe- 
dition can be returnod. Better that we leave the war vessel and a small force to con- 
front Iloilo and sicatter the force to other ports in the southern islands, where troops 
are very much needed^at the present time. You will therefore inform General Miller 
to be governed by these views as nearly as possible. I will try and send further infor- 
mafion in regard to the condition, of the islands to-morrow or next day. Notwithstand- 
ing all this, I still hold to my view that Iloilo must be taken. 

Conflicting Orders by Gen, Otis.— The President's Apprecia- 
tion of His Own "Benevolent Purposes," 
"Humanity," and "Sacrifices." 

It will be observed that these instructions were all explicit and that Iloilo 
was to be taken immediately by military force, unless that object could be 
accomplishfed peaceably. This was presumably the construction which G-en. 
Oti.s put upon the Presidential order of the 23d of December— to "be concilia- 
tory but firm." This order of Gen. Otis of December 28— to commence hostili- 
ties at on(^ if Iloilo could not be taken without such a course— was modified - 
by him on the^ 30th for reasons which will presently appear. Later in his 
report he says (p. 79): 

Early in thij month (of January) I had ^cabled the authorities at Washington that 
open hostilities at Iloilo meant war throughout the Islands, and that I had cautioned 
General Miller and the troops at Iloilo. 

He complacently quotes the President's oily reply, from which the following 
Is an extract: • 

, Glad yoti did. not pprmit Miller to bring on hostilities. Time ^iven the insurgents can- 
not injure us, and must weaken and discourage them. They will see our benevolent 
purposes and recognize that before we can give them good government our sovereignty 
must be conceded and unquestioned. Tact and kindness most essential at this time. 
* • • We accepted the Philippines from high duty in the interests of their 
inhabitants and for humanity and civilizatioii. Our sacrifices were made with this 
humane motive. We desire to improve the condition of the inhabitants, seekin" their 
peace, liberty, and pursuit of their highest good. " 

The President was glad Otis had disobeyed him, and Otis was glad he had 
countermanded all his own orders to General MiUer to take Iloilo at all haz- 

Filipinos at Iloilo Refuse to Surrender and Gen. Otis Count- 
ermands His Order to Use Force. 

Gen. Miller's expedition arrived at Iloilo on the morning of the 2Sth. He 
was at once visited by an aid of the Commanding General of the Filipinos, 
who desired to know hi's intentions. Gen. Miller sent an officer on shore with 
a letter lothat Commanding General, stating the object of the expedition to be 
the occupation of Iloilo by '-representatives of the Government of the United 
States which has succeeded by virtue of conquest, supplemented by treaty 
stipulations, to all the rights heretofore exercised by Spain in these island^!" 
(Ibid., p. 62.) 

Everywhere we meet the absurd claim of the President that a proposed 
treaty, not yet ratified ()y either government, as required by its own terms and 


by ^he Constitution of 'the XJnitea States, had already transferred tlie sover- 
eignty Qf the islands itom Spain to the United States. 

General Miller reported that the P^ilipino authorities at Iloilo refused ta sur- 
render. He also reported that the merchants who had invited interference 
had petitioned against the use of force. He stated that if he should force the 
situation by landing United States troops there would be, great loss of life 
among non-combatants, and destruction of privAte property and recommended 
delay. Meanwhile and before receiving these reports from General Miller, 
General Otis states that he had also incidentally heard from Iloilo that Gen. 
Miller would probably meet with insurgent^opposition should he attempt to 
making a landing there." He says in his report: (Ibid., p. 65.) 

"fvn'pwing the great desire of the United States to maintain peace by all 
honorable means, maturely considering the situation in Luzon which had been 
so quickly developed, and .meditating the transfer later of more troops to Ilo- 
ilo when the unnatural excitement should be allayed, and an opportunity pre- 
senting itself to communicate with General Miller by a British man-of-war, 
whose captain courteously offered to take any message I might desire to send, 
I sent on the evening of December 29 the following hastily prepared communi- 

The communication above referred to directed General Miller not to bring 
on a collision, but to "remain in the harbor" with his force for further in- 

Gen. Otis states that the "excitement in Manila and Malolos over this af- 
fair at Iloilo became rapidly more Intense, and manifested itself in unmistak- 
able signs of danger to the still languishing peace, should an attack be made 
by our troops up.on that city." 

The President's Proclamation of December 2tst, Diluted by 
Otis, But Publisiied in its Original Fprm by Miller. 

In this same communication he sent Gen. Miller a' copy of the President's or- 
der, or, as he calls it, "proclamation," of the 21st of December. The undis- 
guished intention of the President to assume complete sovereignty of the 
United States over the entire Philippine group of islands without waiting for 
the ratification of the treaty with Spain was so much at variance with the 
pr'ofessions which General Otis ha^ been making of friendly intentions that 
the latter decided to alter it to suit the occasion. He states that he trans- 
mitted it to General Miller in its original form "to inform him of the pol- 
icy which the government intended to pursue," and that "neither its eon- 
tents nor the fe'asibility of immediate issue had been carefully considered." 
He adds: "No direction for its publication had been given, and it was not, 
supposed that it would be published at Iloilo. The General, however, un- 
der the impression that it was transmitted for publication, issued it very soon 
after it was received." Although it does not appear that the President liad 
giTen General Otis any discretion in stating the attitude the United States 

92 DEMOCRATIC j:;ampaign book* 

would assume, he gives the following most Interesting statement of theM- 
teratjons he made in the proclamation and his reasons for so doing: (Ibid 
p. 66.) 

"After fully considering the President's proclamation and the temper of the 
Tagalos ^^-ith wliom I was daily discussing political problems and the friend- 
ly intentions of the United States Government toward them, I concluded that 
there were certain words and expressions therein, such as 'sovereignty,' 'right 

, of cession,' and those wliich directed immediate occupa,tion, etc., though most 

' admirably employed and tersely expressive of actual conditions, might be ad- 
After fuiUy considoring the President's proclamation and the tfflnper of the Tagaloa 
with whom I was daily discussing political problems and the friendly intentions ef the 
United States Government toward them, I concluded that there were certain words 
and expressions therein, such as "sovereignty," "right of cession,". and those which 
directed immediate occupation, etc., though most admirably employed and tersely 
expressive of actual conditions, might be advantageously used by the Tagalo war party 
to incite widespread hostilities among the natives. The ignorant classes had been, 
taught to, believe that certain words, as "sovereignty," "protection," etc., had peculiar 
meaning disastrous to their welfare and significant of future political domination, like 
that /rom which they had recently Ijeen freed. It was my opinion, therefore, that' 
I would be justified in so amending the paper that the beheficent object of the United 
States Government would be brought clearly within the comprehension of the people, 
and this conclusion was the more readily reached because of the radical change of the 
past few days in the constitution of Aguinaldo's government, which could not have been 
understood at Wasliington at thfe time the proclamation was prepared. » • • 

The amended proclamation was thereupon prepared, and fearing that General Miller 
would give publicity to the foi-mer, copies of which, if issued, would be circulated soon 

, in Luzon, I again dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel Potter to Hollo, both to ascertain the 
course of events there and to advise the commanding general of the dangers threatening 
in Luzon, and which might be augmented if any action was taken which the insur- 
gents could make use of in furtherance of their unfriendly designs. General Miller 
thought his action in making publication of the proclamation on January 3 correct, a3 

' he had not been instructed to the contrary, and his opinion, he contended, was con- 
firmed by a War Department dispatch which I had directed Colonel Potter to deliver 
to him,- and which he had received on January 6. He was satisfied that the,use he had 
made of the proclamation was that contemplated by the War Department authorities, 
but it was not long before it was delivered at Malolos and was the object of venomous 

At Malolos were the headquarters of Aguiualdo. 

The "amended proclamation," as General Otis terms it, was signed by him- 
self January 4th, and was publis^ied in Manila in English, Spanish and Ta- 
galos languages. He omitted all the hand words of Mr. McKinley. It 
was as follows: 
"To the People of the PJiilippine Islands: 

"Instructions of His Excellency the President of the United States rela- 
tive to the administration of atl^airs in the Philippine Islands have been trans- 
mitted to me by direction of the honorable tlie Secretary of War, under dale 
of December 28, 1S98. They direct me to publisli and proclaim, in the most 
public manner, to the inhabitants of these islands that in the war against 
Spain the United States forces came here to destroy the power of that nation 
and to giv(> the blessings of peace and individual freedom to the Philippine 
people; that we are here as friends of the Filipinos; to protect them in their 


homes, their employments, their individual and religious liberty, and that 
all persons who, either by active aid or honest endeavor, co-operate with the 
Government of the United States to give effect to those beneficent purposes, 
■will receive the reward of its support and protection. 

"The President of the United States has assumed that the municipal laws of 
the country in respect to private rights and property and the repression of 
crime are to be considered as continuing in force in so far as they be appli- 
cable to a free peopleT and should be administered by the ordinary tribunals 
of justice, presided over by representatives of the people and those in thpr- 
ough sympathy with them in their desires for good government; that the 
functions and duties connec'ted with civil and municipal administration are 
to be performed by such offict^s as wish to accept the assistance of the United 
States, chosen in so far as it may be practicable from the inhabitants of the 
islands; that while the management of public property and revenues and the 
use of all public means of transportation are to be conducted under the 
military authorities, until such authorities can be replaced by civil adminis- 
tration, aU private property, whether of individuals or corporations, must be 
respected and protected. If private property be talsen for military uses it shall 
be paid for at k fair valuation in cash if possible, and when payment in cash . 
Is not practicable at the time, receipts therefor will be given to be talien up and 
liquidated as soon as cash becomes available. The ports of the Philippine 
Islands shall be open to the commerce of all foreign nations, and goods and 
merchandise not prohibited for military reasons by the military authorities 
shall be admitted upon payment of such duties and charges as shall be in 
force at the time of importation. 

"The President concludes his instructions in the following language: 

" 'Finally, it should be the earnest and paranaount aim of the Adminis- 
tration to win the confidence, respect, and affection of the inhabitants of the 
Philippines by insuring to them in every possible way the fuU measure of in- 
dividual rights and liberty which is the heritage of a free people, and by 
proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of beneficent as- 
similation, which will substitute the mild sway of justice and right for arbi- 
trary rule. In the fulfillment of this high mission, while upholding the tem- 
porary administration of affairs forlihe greatest good of the governed, there 
will be sedulously maintained the strong arm of authority to repress disturb- 
ance, and to overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of good 
and stable government upon the people of the Philippine Islands.' 

"Prom the tenor and substan'ce of the above instructions of the President, I 
am fully of the opinion that it is the intention of the United States Govern- 
ment, while directing affairs generally, to appoint the representative men 
now forming the controlling element of the Filipinos to civil positions of trust 
and responsibility, and it will be my aim to appoint thereto such Filipinos as 
may be acceptable to the supreme authorities at Washington. 


"It is aKso my belief that it is the intention o£ the United States Govern- 
ment to draw from the Filipino people so much of the military force of the 
. islands as is possiWe and consistent with a free and well-constituted govern- 
ment of the country, and it is my desire to inaugurate a policy of that chtir^ 
acter. I am also convinced that it is the intention of the United States Gov- 
ernment to seek the establishment of a most liberal government for the is- 
lands, in v^'hich the people themselves shall have as full representation as" the. 
maintenance of law and order will permit, and which shall be susceptible of 
development, on lines of inci-eased representation and the bestowal of in- 
creased powers, into a government as free and independent as is enjoyed by 
the most favored provinces of the world. 

"It will be my constant endeavor to co-operate with the Filipino people, 
seeking the good of the country, and I invite their full confidence and aid. 

'•B. S.' OTIS, 
"Major-CJeneral, U. S. V., Military Governor." (Ibid p. 68.) 

Aguinaldo Responds to the President's Declaration of War. 

General Otis falsified the President's order, and attempted to deceive the 
Filipinos. He was quicldy made to apfpear ridiculous. 

Unfortunately the original proclamation of the President had ajready been 
read by Aguinaldo and his advisers. If General Otis had known this in time 
it is proi^able that he would not have engaged in the silly work of issuing it 
in an adulterated form, which was a virtual admission that it contained of- 
fensive and hostile features. 

It was the President's proclamation and. not General Otis"s dilution of it 
which aroused the feeling thus described in General Otis's report: (p. 69.) 

"The ablest of insurgent newspapers, which was now issued at llalolos 
and edited by the uncompromising Luna, he who had been an openly de- 
clared enemy of the United States from the time Manila capitulated, subse- 
quently commanded an insurgent army and was assassinated while exer- 
cising chief military commadd of the insurgent forces, attacked the policy of 
the United States as declared in the proclamation, and its assumption, of sov- 
ereignty over the islands, with all the vigor of which he was capable. He 
went furtlier and contended that the policy as declared was merely a subter- 
fuge ito temporarily quiet the people until measures could be inaugurated and 
applied to put in practice all the odious features of government which Spain 
had employed. Everything tended simply to a change of masters for the FiU 
ipino people without amelioration of condition. 

"Aguinaldo met the proclamation liy a counter one in which he indignantly 
protested against the claim of sovereignty by the United States in the islands, 
which really liad been conquered from the Spaniards through the blood and 
treasure of his countrymen, and abused me for my assumption of the title of 
military governor." 


.Following is the entire proclamation of Aguinaldo, dated January 5th, In 
resp_pnse to the President's proclamation of December 21st. (Ibid p. 76.) 

"The government of the Philippines has considered it its duty to set forth 
to tEe civilized powers the facts determining the rupture of its amicable rela- 
tions with the army of the United States of America in these islands, to the 
en^ that they may thereby reach the conviction that I, for my part, have 
done everything pogsible to avoid it, although at the cost of many rights use- 
lessly sacrificed, > 

"After the naval combat, which occurred on May 1 of last year, between 
the Spanish squadron and that of America, the' commander of the latter con- 
eented to my return from Hongliong to this beloved soil, and he distributed 
among the Filipinos some rifles found in the arsenal at Cavite,' doubtless with 
the intention of re-establishing the revolution, somewliat quieted- by the con- 
venfion of Biac-na-bato, in order to have the Filipinos on his side. 

"The people. Influenced by the declaration of war between the United States 
and Spain, understood the necessity of fighting for their liberty, feeling sure 
that Spain would be destroyed and rendered incapable of leading them along 
the road to prosperity and- progress. The Filipinos hailed my advent with 
joy, and I had the honor of -being proclaimed leader on accoUlit of the serv- 
ices which I had rendered in the former revolution. 

"Then all the Filipinos without distinction of glasses took arms, and 
every province hastened to expel from its frontiers the Spanish forces. This 
is the explanation of the fact that, after the lapse of so short a period of 
time, my government rules the whole of Luzon, the Visaya Islands, and a part 
of Mindanao. 

"Although the North Americans took no part in these inilitary operations, 
which cost no little blood and gold, my government does not disavow the 
fact that the destruction of the Spanish squadron and the gift of some rifles 
from the arsenal to my people influenced the progress of our arms to some 
extent. It was also taken for granted that the American forces would nec- 
essarily sympathize with the revolution which they had managed to encour- 
age, and which had saved them much blood and great hardships; and, above 
all, we entertained absolute confidence in tlie histoiy and traditions of a peo- 
^ pie which fought for its independence and for the abolition of slavery, whicli 
posed as the champion liberator of oppressed peoples; we felt ourselves under 
the safegijiard of a free people. 

"The Americans, seeing the friendly disposition of the Filipino people, 
disembarked forces at the town of Paranaque and took up positions all along 
the line occupied by my troops, as far as Maytubig, taking possession of many 
trenches constructed by my people, by the empjpyment of astuteness, not un- 
accompanied by violence. They forced a capitula,tion on the garrison of Ma- 
nila, which, inasmuch as it was invested by my troops, was compelled to 
suiTender at the first attack. In this I took a very active part, although I 
was not notified, my fofces reaching as far as the suburbs of Malate, Brmita, 
PacOj Sampaloo, and Tondc, 


"Notwithstanding these services, and although the Spaniards would np^ 
have surrendered but for the fact that my troops had closed every avenue o£ 
escape to the towns of the interior, the American generals not- only ignored 
me entirely in the stipulations for capitulation, but also requested that my 
forces should retire from the port of Cavite and the suburbs of Manila. 

"I represented to the American generals the injustice done me, and^rer 
quested in friendly terms that they should at least expressly recognize my co- 
operation, but they utterly declined to do so. Nevertheless; being always de- 
sirous of showing friendliness and good feeling toward, those who called them- 
selves liberators of the Philippine people, I ordered my troops to evacuate 
the port of Cavite and the suburbs of Ermita, Malate, Sampaloc, and Tondo, 
retainiag aniya portion of the suburb of Paco. 

"In spite of these concessions, not many days passed before Admiral 
Dewey, without any reason whatever, arrested our steam launches, which 
bad been plying in the bay of Manila with his express' consent. Almost at 
the same time I received a letter from General Otis, commander of the Ameri- 
can army of occupation, demanding that I should withdraw my forces be- 
yond the lines marked on a map which he also sent me, and which showed 
within 'the lines .the town of Pandaean and the hamlet of Singalong, which 
never have belonged to the municipal area of Manila and its suburbs. 

"In view of tlfcs unjusiiffable attitude of both American leaders, I summoned 
a council of my generals and asked the advice of my cabinet, and in con- 
formity with the opinion of both bodies I named commissioners, who placed 
themselves in communication with these Americans. Although Admiral 
Dewey received in an insolent manner and with aggressive phrases my com- 
missioners, whom ho did not permit to speak, I yielded to the friendly sug- 
gestions of General Otis, withdrawing my forces to the desired line for the 
purpose of avoiding contact with his troops. This gave rise to many misun- 
derstandings, but I hoped that once the Paris conference was at an end my 
people would obtain the independence promised them by the consul-general 
in Singapore, Mr. Pratt, and that the friendship formerly assured and pro- 
Claimed in manifestoes and speeches would be established by the American 
generals who have reached these shores. • 

"But it did not turn out thus. The said generals accepted my concessions in' 
favor of -peace and friendship as Indications of weakness. Thus it Is that, 
with rising ambition, they ordered forces to Iloilo on December 26, with the 
purpose of acquiring for themselves the title of conquerors of that portion of 
the Philippine Islands occupied by my government. 

Such procedure, so foreign to the dictates of culture and the usages ob- 
served by civilized nations,. gave me the right to act wltliout observing the 
usual rules of intercourse. Noverlhclcss, in order to be correct to the end, 
I sent to General Otis commissioners charged to solicit him to desist from his 
rash enterprise, but they were not listened to. 


"My government cannot remain Indifferent in view of such a violent and 
aggressive seizure of a portion of its territory by a nation wlilch has an-ogated 
to itself the title, champion of oppressed nations. Thus it is that my govern- 
ment is disposed to open hostilities if the American troops attempt to take 
forcible possession of the Visaya Islands. I denounce these acts before the 
world, in order that the conscience of manliind may pronounce its infallible 
verdict as to "who are the true oppressors of nations and the tormentors of 
human Iiind. 

"Upon their heads be all the blood which may be shed. 


Iloilo is on the Island of Panay, the principal one of the Vlsayan group. 

Filipino Efforts for Peace. 

Even In this crisis efforts to prevent hostilities came from the Filipino side. 
General Otis states that subsequent to .January 5th he was "approached by in- 
fluential Filipino gentlemen who expressed a strong desire for continuous 
peace and an harmonious settlement of difficulties." They asEed him to ap- 
point a commission which could confer with one appointed by the Filipino 
Government, with a view to an "adjustment of the political, conflicting in- 
terests of the parties concerned." General Otis declined to officially recognize 
the Aguiualdo civil government, but he said he would "gladly call a board 
of officers to cofifer with one which General Aguinaldo might appoint." (Ibid 
p. 80.) This resulted in a letter from Aguinaldo on the 9th of January iu 
which he said: 

Slthough it not being explained to me the reason why you could not treat with the 
commissioners of ni./ gOTcrnm'ent, I have the faculty for doing the same with those 
of the commanding general, "who cannot be recognized." Nevertheless, for the sake 
of peaqc, I have considered it advisable to name, as "commanding general," a com- 
mission composed of the following gentlemen: Mr. Florentine Flores, Eufrasio Flores 
and Manuel Arguollos, that they may together represent me and arrive at an accord 
with those whom you will, name, with the object of using such methods as will -normalize 
the actual situation created by the attitude of your Government and troops." 

To this General Otis responded on the same day and explained that he 
could not recognize any civil government of the Fijipinos unless instructed 
- to do so by the President, and that, therefore, he coulif not receive officially, 
civil "representatives of the revolutionary government." He assured Aguin- 
aldo of his desire to avoid a conflict. 

A Joint Peace Commission.— Report of Its Proceedings by 


On the same day Gen. Otis appointed a Commission of United States officers 
to mpct those of Aguinaldo. In his report at page 82 General Otis makes the 
following statement of the efforts that were made to come to a friendly un- 

The representative boards engaged In joint confeirence on the evening of the day 
the order was issued, and bad repeated and prolonged evening sessions, sometimea 


estendlng far into the night. Minutes of proceedings .were Ijept and submitted, anfl 
the various extended arguments indulged in were duiy reported to me after the adjourn- 
ment of each speciai session. The l>oard represented the insurgent interests eouid jipt 
give any satisfactory explanation of the^ qualified 'so'verelfenty, measure of protection, 
or specific automouy vihichit thought wouid be' or enjoyed by the respective 
governments, nor present any practieai pian for the, soiution of the vexed political 
proLJiems which constantly arose in the progress of the discussion. It eouceded 
the fact that the piotection of the United States was essential to the integrity anj 
welfare of the islands, but could not determine how that protection should be applied; 
certainly not to the extent of interference with internal affairs further than the collec- 
tion of customs, possibly, from which source the United States might receive a com- 
pensation for the protection furnished. They begged for some tangible concessions 
from the United Stales Government— one which they could present to the people and 
which might sen'e- to allay the excitement. Nothing could be accomplished withont 
the saci-ifice of some of the attributes of sovereignty,, and certainly that could not be 
done by any existing authority. 

Tiliile these proceedings were taking place, the newspapers announced that 
a peace commission was about to be sent from the United States, and the 
Filipinos observed that the volunteers were not being sent home as the news- 
papers said had been ordered. These things excited the suspicion of the Fil- 
ipino members of the Commission. Our commissioners reported these things to 
General Otis, who made a written reply which could be used at the next meet- 
ing of the commission. General Otis explained that the commission to be ap- 
pointed from Washington would come with instructions an^ some power, 
while the commission he had himself appointed could only ascertain and re- 
port the desires of the Filipinos. He stated that the failure to send, troops i 
home was due to the fact that "the revolutionary government had assumed 
a threatening attitude notwithstanding our great desire for peace and har- 
mony." "Peace and harmony" had only been interrupted by the expedition 
against Iloilo and the President's proclamation of sovereignty while the treaty 
was yet unratified. 

Filipino Request for Qualified Independence Under United 
States Protection Sent by Gen. Otis to Washington 
January 16 — No Reply.— Negotiations Ter- 
minated January 25. 

, General Otis informed the Filipino Commissioners that on the 16th of 

January he had telegraphed to the Government at Washington as follows: 

Conditions 'improving; confidence of citizens returning; business active; conference 
held Saturday; insurgents presented following statement, asliing that it be cabled: ' 
"Undersigned commissioners commander in chief of revolutionary army of these islands 
state to commissioners of General Otis that aspiration Filipino people is independence, 
with restrictions resulting from conditions which its government agree with American 
■when latter agree to officially recognize the former. No conclusion reached; another j 
conference to-morrow evening. I understand insurgents wish qualified independence ' 
under United States protection." (Ibid, p. 83.) 

To this dispatch he said no reply had been received. This statement by 
General Otis was dated January 25th. The Commissioners held their last 
conference on that day. 

{The Filipino statement, if supplied with the wortjs omitted for the sake 
of brevity of cablegram, would fead .thus; 


"The undersigned Comroj'gs^igpqj^, of the Oommander-in-Cliief of the Revo- 
lutionary Army of these islands state to the Commissioners of General Otis 
that the aspiration of the Jllii)ifio people is incjfpendence with restrictions re- 
sulting from conditions which their Government will agree upon, with the 
American Government, when the latter agrees to officially recognize the for- 
mer.") ^ 

Constitution of Filipino Republic Proclaimed. 

■ The failure for ten days to make any response to this request for Filipino 
Independence, under conditions to be agreed on, satisfied Aguinaldo and his 
advisers that the President was unwilling to give him any encouragement, or 
assurance of even a recommendation, in that direction. Observe General Otis'a 
interpretation of, the Filipino demand as stated by him in the dispatch trans- 
mitting it to Washington January 16tb: 

"I understand the insurgents wish qualified independence under United 
States protection." 

Congress was then in session. The treaty had been before the United 
States^ Senate two weeks. ' The President had not deemed it worth while to 
inform the Senate: or Congress of the expressed willingness of the Filipinos 
to accept independence with conditions. Thus left to their own resources, and 
refused an answer to their proposition, they proceeded to frame a constitu- 
tion. Following is Aguinaldo's communication to General Otis informing him 
of this fact: (Ibid p. 8-1.) 

"Maj. Gen. E. S. Otis, Commander-in-Chief of the American Forces of Oc- 
cupation in Manila: , 
"My government has promulgated the political constitution of the Philippine 
Republic, which is to-day enthusiastically proclaimed by the people, becausa 
of its conviction that its duty is to interpret faithfully the asplra,tions of that 
people— a people making superhuman efforts to revindicate their sovereignty 
and their nationality before the civilized powers. 

••To this end, of the governments to-day r;ecognized and observed among cul- 
tured nations they have adopted the form of government most compatible 
with their aspirations, endeavoring to adjust their actions to the dictates of 
reason and of right, in order to demonstrate their aptitude for civU life. 

"And, taking the liberty to notify your Excellency, I confidently hope that, 
doing justice to the Philippine people, you will be pleased to inform the Gov- 
ernment of your nation that the desire of mine, upon being accorded official 
recognition, is to contribute to the best of its scanty ability to the establish- 
ment of a general peace. i 
"May God keep your Excellency many years. 

[Seal of the Revolutionary 
Government of the Philippines.] 

"Malolos, JanuaiT 23, 1899." 
General Otis cabled this to Washington:, 


Ratific.-xtion of the Treaty by the Senate. 

At the time this* coAstitution was promulgated tlie treaty of peace had not 
been ratified either by the United States Senate or. the Crown of Spain. The 
"city, bay and harbor of Manila" were still held by the United States under ' 
the protocol with Spain. All the other Philippine territory was held by the 
Filipinos through their successful revolution ^gainst Spain. The only menace 
there had been against peace between the United States forces and the Fili- 
pinos had been caused by Otis's Iloilo expedition and the unlawful order of the 
President to extend military occupation before sovereignty had been acquired 
by the ratification of the treaty. It was well known in Manila that the ratifi- 
cation of the treaty by the United States Senate was in doubt. It was equally 
well known that the ratification would not determine the question of annexa- 
lon. Under these conditions it was not sttange that Aguinaldo and his fol- 
lowers refused to quietly submit to the trampling out process by the President 
in advance of ratification, and insisted upon the final decision of their fate by 
CoEgress, which alone represented the sovereign gower of the nation, and 
which, as well by the Constitution as by the pending treaty, was especially 
charged with tie decision of the question. ' 

Tlie struggle over the confirmation of the treaty was a prolonged one. It 
lasted from January 4 to Februarj' 6, and terminated in a vote of 57 to 27— 
only one more than was necessary to make the constitutional two-thirds. 

How the War Against the Filipinos Was Commenced Beforo 
the Ratification of the Treaty. 

Two days before the ratification of the jreaty war was commenced between 
the United States and the Filipinos under the following circumstances: 

General Otis says in his report that on the 2d of February he called General 
Aguinaldo's attention to the an'est by natives of some American soldiers and 
a newspaper correspondent, and requested an explanation. Aguinaldo replied , 
that these men were arrested inside of his lines for a breach of a decree for- 
bidding foreigners to approach, taking photographic views of the same, or 
entering the territory with arms. These lines were not militai-y lines divid- 
ing two hostile camps, but lines agreed on by the two parties as a joint police 
regulation for the easier preservation of the peace. Aguinaldo did not cause 
the. American troops to be fired upon because they came over on his side of 
the line, nor did he imprison them. They were lodged and fed with the Fill-, 
pino officers and libei-ated February 4, at the request of General Otis. (For 
this correspondence see Otis' Report, Page 91.) 

Let General MacArthur now tell, his story of how differently the Filipinos 
were treated who came over on our side of the agreed line. On the 2d of 
February he addressed a note to a Colonel of the Philippine forces as follows: 

Sir: The line between your command and my command has been long established, 
and is well understood by yourself and myself. It Is quite necessary, under present 
conflillons, that this line should not be passed by armed men of either command 

An armed party from your command now occupies the village In front of Bloc'l: House 
No. T, at a point considerably more than a hundred yards on my side of the line and 


jiU v;cr ■/-> 

U very actlre in exhibiting, host,Ue,}Bt^QtlonB. This party must be withdrawn to your 
Bide of the line at once. From this ilaie. If the line is crossed byyour men with arms 
Jn their hands, they must be regardW as subject to such action as I may deem neces- 

iVery respectfully, 

' Major-General U. S. V., Commanding 

tTol tBfe the IbHo'wlng courteous reply was immediately made: 

San Juan del Monte, February 9, 1898, 
Major-General Mac Arthurs , 

My Very Dear Sir: In reply to yours dated this day, in which you inform me that 
my soldiers have been passing the Hue oif demarcation fixed by agreement, I desire to 
Bay that this Is foreign to my, wishes, and I shall give Immediate orders in the premises 
that thej retire, 

_ , STruly yours, 

Colonel and First Chief. 

Two days later four armed Filipino soldiers came within our side of the 
line, and, failing to stop when challenged, they were not simply arrested, us iii 
the case of a like action on the part of our soldiers, but were fired upon by 
the American sentinel and one of them killed. This was the first blood shed 
in the Philippine war. 

The three survivors of this formidable patrol of four men retired, rejoining 
their own forces,— carrying with them the body of their dead comrade,— 
and the deadly shot which had iDeen fired upon them was returned from 
the Filipino outpost! We prefer, however, to give the story in the exact lan- 
guage of Geu'eral MaeArthur in his report to General Otis. Here it is: j 

At about 8:30 p.' m., February 4, an Insurgent patrol, consisting of four armed sol- 
diers, entered our territory at Block House No. 7 and advanced to the little village of 
Santol, which was occupied by the pipe-line outpost of the Nebraska Regiment. The 
American 'sentinel challenged twice, and then, as the insurgent patrol continued to 
advance, he fired, whereupon the patrol retired to Block House No. 7, whence flre Was 
Immediately opened by the entire Insurgent outpost at that point. r 

This brought on a general engagement and the, war was begun. He states 
that 374 Filipinos killed in action were buried during the month of February, 
and he estimates the wounded at over lilOO. 

These facts arie from the official reports of Generals Otis and MaeArthur, 
They show clearly enough that our commanders were expected to seize upon 
the earliest pretext for making war upon the Pliilippine Islanders. The un- 
disputed facts shown in the official reports are: 

1. That hostilities did not begin until the 4th of February. 

2. That, therefore, up to that time there could not have been any hostile 
military line, the etossiug of wliich by either party, even with arms, justified 
the other party in treating it as an authorized act of war. 

3. That there was a line of demarcation between the two parties agreed^ on 
by the respective commanders, not as a dead-line the crossing of which should 
be death, but a line established as a mutual military police regulation for the 
preservation of the peace 


4. That when American troops went into tTie ^Jlipi^o ^^^P ^^^^ '^^^^ ^°^ 

killed, but placed under arrest for breach ota decree, and released after ex- 

.)1I0. , ■ ' .■• 
pianai-ions. . . ^ 

5. That when four Filipinos crossed into the American camp and disre- 
• garded the challenge of a sentinel, fire was opened upon them and one of 

jthem was killed. ' . - , 

Who were represented by the four Filipino soldiers who crossed the agreed; 
line on the 4th of February is not material. They deserved punishment com- 
mensura'te with the offense. If the E'ilipino authorities, upon inquiry, had sus- 
tained them, and had thereby manifested a hostile purpose, our commanders 
could then have properly used any force necessary to meet the exigency; but 
to allow a Filipino patrol of four to be fifed upon and one of them killed under 
such conditions as are described by General MacArthur, and then to treat 
the returning fire as cause for war affords strong evidence that a pretext for 
war was gladly seized upon. General Otis himself expresses the opinion that 
the four Filipinos did not represent the wishes of their leaders. He says in 
his, report: 

It is not believed ttiat tlie chief insurgent leaders wished to open hostilities at this 
time, as they were not completely prepared to assume the initiative. They desired two 
or three days more to perfect their arrangements, but the zeal of their army brought si 
on the crisis which anflcipated their action. (See his report, p. 92.) 
, General Otis received confirmatory evidence that the petty outbreak at an 
outpost, which was so hastily seized upon by him as sufficient ground for the 
first battle of the war, was not the act of the Filipino leaders. 

General Rives, of Minnesota, who was in charge of the city of Manila at the 
time fighting commenced, in a published interview, said: 

But I can tell you one piece of news that is not generally known in the United States. 
On^ Sunday, February 5, the day after the fighting began. General Torres, of Ihe insur- ' 
gents, came through our lines under a flag of truce and had a personal interview with 
Generhl Otis, in which; speaking for Agujnaldo, he declared that the lighting had beea 
begun a,ccidentally and was not authorized by Agulnaldo; that Aguinaldo wished to 
have it stopped, and that to bring about a conclusion of hostilities he proposed .the 
establishment of a' i!eutral zone between the two armies of any width that would he 
agreeable to Genci-al Otis, so that during the peace negotiations there might be iio 
further danger of conflicts between the two armies. To these represeiitation« of General 
Torres -General Otis sternly replied that the fighting, having once begun, must go on 
to the grim end. 

The ratification of the treaty by the Senate on the 6th of Februaiy, imme- 
diately after the receipt of the news of this battle of February 4, was a 
Startling coincidence, and the two events seemed like cause and effect. 


General Otis's report and the official documents it contains show very clearly 
the purpose of the Executive Department of the United States Government 
to ignore the right of the inhabitants of the Philippines to the benefit of the 
ninth article of the treaty, which declares that "the civil rights and political;- 
Status of the native inhabitants of the teiTitories iiereby added to the Uiiited^ 


States shall be determined hy'tlje Congress." The President's order of De- 
cember 21, the expedilion to Iloilo with the announced intention to talie that 
city by force, and the aggressive language and conduct of Otis from time to 
time between August and February clearly prove the disposition, both at, 
Washington and at Manila to force the Filipinos and their leaders to a rupture 
with United States authority. The testimony of Generals MacArthur and Otis 
concerning the events of February 2 and 4, and ejspecially the statement ^ 
General Otis (Report, p. 96) concerning "the battle of Manila" of February 4, 
that "the engagement was one directly defensive on the part of the insurgents, 
and of vigorous attack by our forces," together with {he statement of General 
Eives, establish the fact that a small pretext was willingly seized upon as suf- 
ficient ground for an attack in force by the American commander all along 
the line, and that, when hostilities could have stopped with honor at that 
point, because they had been commenced by a sergeant for an unimportant 
act of four Filipinos, unauthorized by any Filipino General, Otis persisted that 
the fighting should "go on." Not until sixty-four days after this did the United 
States acquire sovereignty over the Philippine Islands by the exchange of tlie 
ratifications of the treaty. At no time, thefefore, within that period could 
there have been an Insurrection against the United States outside the limits 
of Manila citj', bay or harbor. 

If the treaty signed December 10 had been presented to the Senate as soon 
as received, Instead of on January 4, and if pending its consideration the Pres- 
ident had refrained from issuing his illegal proclamation of December 21 and 
had not authorized the Iloilo expedition, it is reasonalDle to believe that ther? 
would have been no war in the Philippines. If the President had asserted up 
sovereignty until it had been lawfully acquired, and if he had then waited 
for Congress to direct him as to the policy of the Government, that body 
might have found some common ground on which the aspirations of the Fili- 
pinos for liberty and independence could have been harmonized with the ob- 
ligations of the United States to protect all who had the right to its protec- 
tion. General Otis said that he understood them to "wish qualified independ- 
ence under United States protection." 

The President has full authority, under the Constitution and existing, laws, 
passed in pursuance thereof, to suppress insurrections against the United 
States. The occupation of Manila under the protocol with Spain caiTied with 
It the right to repel all hostile movements'against it; but the President had no 
authority to violate the protocol and anticipate the ratification of the treaty 
by Invading the distant island of Panay, nor had he the right, in advance of 
such ratification to treat Filipino occupation o^ Spanish teri'itory not yet cefled 
as an insurrection against the United States. By such unlawful exercise of ^ 
power he made himself responsible for all the blood and treasure sacrificed 
and to be hereafter saci'lficed in the Philippine war. 



The supporters of President McKinley's Philippine policy profess now to Be 
opposed to permitting the Philippine Islanders to become citizens of fBe 
United States. The treaties by which we acquired the Douisiana Purchase, 
Florida and a large portion of Mexico, contained provisions pledging citizen- 
ship to those of the inhabitants desiring it, and pledging admission to these 
new acquisitions into the union o? the States. In all the acts organizing terri- 
torial governments in those acquisitions the people were recognized as entitled 
to all the benefits of the Federal Constitution. In the Spanish treaty no pro- 
vision was made as to tlie natives of the islands we acquired. The subject 
was all left to Congress. That body changes every two years. The will of 
one Congress may not be the will of the nest. The President commenced a 
war upon the Philippine Islanders while Congress was in session, without 
consulting that body, more than two months before those islands had been 
acquired from Spain. The people there were then our friends and allies. H» 
must have had a purpose In making them enemies. Every intelligetti: tmui t* 
chargeable with the natural results of his conduct. The President fenew t&^t 
to make war upon the Filipinos was to render it impossible for Congress to 
determine the civirand political status of the islands so long as he was 0om. 
mander-in-Chief and waged an unjust and unprovoked war. At present He 
maintains a military despotism over the ten or twelve millions of ceople whos* 
»nly .^nse was tij^fj-'iave-or ccnntry aat5-^!rfin.-rf or ryxtmny. The BeprmCof* 
policy is to mate subjects of these people, a condition which hitherto has be«» 
unknown to our republic and directly forbidden by its Constitution. 

But suppose the Republican leaders should see their power waning and 
should need more Senators and more members than they can elect under 
present circumstances. How simple the remedy and how like the Republican 
method. How. easy to obtain reinforcements. Congress, by a majority of one 
iu each House and the approval of the President, cah provide for the organiza- 
tion of five new Territories in tlie Philippine Islands, -and in the same act it 
can provide for conventions to be held in each of these tei.-ritoiies for the 
formation of State constitutions, and require elections to be held for 
the election of officers in each territory at the time of the ratification 

FIVE MAIjAY states. t05 

of the constitutions by tlie people. Legislatures under these constitu- 
tions can tlien assemble, inaugurate. tlieir Governors and choose United States 
Senators. The Malays have able men. They could easily send ten Senators . 
to Washington who are graduates from English pniversities, and the fifty 
Congressmen to which they would be entitled could all be "business men" 
after Mark Hanna's own heart. With ten Malays in the Senate and fifty in 
the House, owing their election to the Republican political experts who would 
be sent to the Philii^pines with abundance of money to carry out 'this scheme, 
the "business'lnterests," so-called, would be safely in the control of the great 
syndicates who had furnished the money to produce such results. If it should 
be deemed unwise to select tliis new contingent eatirely from the Malays', there 
could be a fair sprinkling of "carpet-baggers" to give it tone. ■► 

Let every thoughtful man consider these possibilities In the light of the past 
history of this countcy, and see whether there is anything improbable in the 
picturs above drawn. Sl^p only guarantee against the admission of the Phil- 
ippine Islands as States in the Union is to prevent their permanent annexation 
as Territories, coloaies, possessions or dependencies of the United States. As 
we ceded Texas to Spain in 1819 in the Florida treaty, and as we ceded Brit- 
ish Columbia, tliea a part of Oregon, to Great Britain in 1846— In each case 
"hauling down tlie flag"— so we may, at a safe and proper time, cede the Phil- 
ippine Islands to tl*e Inhabitants thereof, and make known thfit intention to 
them as an Incentive to the work of establishing peace and order and of or- 
ganizing governments to suit themselves. There need be no other protectorate 
to guard them from forei'gn invasion and conquest than that which Cuba had 
for eighty years in the repeated declarations of our Government that an 
attempt by any European power to acquire the island ffom Spain woula be 
regarded as an unfriendly act towards the United States. The people, thus 
made independent, and yet dependent upon the United States for protection 
ogainst any unjust foreign hostilities, would gladly make with us a treaty or 
amity and commerce which would give us a naval and 'commercial depot of 
dur own choice. The 'alternative to this is the permanent roaintainence in 
those islands of more than a Jiundred thousand armed troops at an tnnual co^t 
of a hundred and fifty millions of dollars, or the admission of the PhUippinb 
Islands to the Union of the States, thus adding to the negro, Chinese and In- 
dian problems the Malay problem. 




; Having purchajed from Spalu the Philippine Islands for twenty millions of 
dollars, President McKinley purchased one hundred and fifty of the same 
islands over again from the local ruler for ten tliousand dollars and certain 
annual payments to be continued indefinitely.' These islands are called the 
Sulu Group. They have been under Mohammedan rule for eight centuries. 
Spain claimed ownership of them, but the nearest she ever came to it was 
to hire the Sultan to recognize the suzerainty of Spain in considM-ation of sal- 
aries to be paid by her. The island of Mindanao, populated by Mohamme- 
dans,- is under the control of the Sult-an of Sulu. 

General Otis sent General Bates to the Sultan of Sulu in^uly, 1899, to make 
an agreement. A Manila dispatch of July 12 of that year stated that General 
Bates would explain to the Sultan that the United States had succeeded Spain, 
and would keep the 'Spanish agreement by keeping up the payments It provided 
for. He was also to present to the Sultan ten thousand dollars in Mexican 
money as an evidence of good will. The Sultan was to remain in the govern- 
ment of the island. General Bates then entered into the following agreement: 

"Agreement between Brig. Gen. John C. Bates, representing the United 
Slates, of ^e one pqi-t, and His Highness, the Sultan ot Sulu, the Dato Rajah 
Muda, the Dato Attik, the Dato Kalld, and the Dato Joakanain, of the other 
part; it being undertsood that this agreement will be in full force only, when 
approved by the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands and confirmed by 
the President of the United Statels and will be subjected to future modifica- 
tions by the mutual consent of the parties in interest.-. 

"Article 1. The sovereignty of the United States over the whole archipelago 
of Sulu and its dependencies is declared and acknowledged. 

"KYt 2. The United States flag will be used in the archipelago of Sulu and ils 
dependencies on land and sea. 

"Art. 3. The rights and dignities of his highness the Sultan and his datos 
shall be fuUy respected; the Moros shall not be interfered with on account of- 
their religion; all their religious customs shall be respected, and no one 
be persecuted on account pf his religion. 



"Art. 4. While the Unitpcl States may occupy and control such points In the 
archipelago of Sulu as public interests seem to demand, encroachment will not 
be made upon the lands immediately about the residence of his highness the 
Sultan unless military necessity requires such occupation in case of war with 
a foreign power, and where the property of individuals is taken due compensa- 
tion will be made in each case. 

"Any person can purchase land in the archipelago of Sulu and hold the same 
by obtaining the consent of the Sultan and^coming to a satisfactory agreement 
with the owner of the land, and such purcliase shall immediately be registered 
in the proper office of the United States Government. . 

"Art. 5. All trade in domestic products of the archipelago of Sulu, when car- 
ried on by the Sultan and his people with any part of the Philippine Islands 
and -^vhen conducted under the American flag, shall be free, unliniited and 

"Art. 6. The Sultan. of Sulu shall be allowed to communicate direct with the 
Governpr-General of the Philippine Islands in making complaint against the 
commanding ofiieer of Sulu or against any naval commander. 

"xVrt. 7. The introduction of firearms and war material is forbidden, except 
under specific authority of the Oovernor-General of the Philippines. 

Art. 8. Piracy must be suppressed, and the SUltan and his dates agree to 
heartily co-operate with the United States -authorities to that end and to make 
every possible effort to arrest and bring to justice all persons engaged in 

"Art. 9., Where crimes and offenses are committed by Moros against Moros 
the Government of the Sultan will bring to trial and punishment the crimin.ils 
and ofCendei"S, who will be deliyered to the Government of thi Snllan by the 
United States aufhoritie'S if in their possession. In all other cases persons 
charged with crime.s or offenses will be delivered to the United States authori- 
ties for trial and punishment. » 

"Art. 10. Any slave in the archipelago of Sulu shall have the right to pur- ' 
chase freedom by paying to the master the usual market value. 

"Art. 12. At present Americans or foreigners wishing to go into the country 
should state their wishes to the IMoro authorities and ask for an escort, but it 
is hoped that this will become unnecessary as we know each other better. 

"Art. 13. The United States will give full protection to the Sultan and his 
subjects in case any foreign nation should attempt to impose upon thom. 
■■"Art. 14. The United Stfites will not sell the island of Sulu or any other island 
of the Sulu Archipelago to any foreign nation without the consent of the .Sul- 
tan of Sulu. 

"Art. 15. The United States Goternment will pay the following monthly 


To the Sultan 

To Date Rajah Muda , ' ■ • • '^^' 

To Dato Attik ....'.'.' 60 

To Dato Calbe V.'...'.. 75 

To Dato Joakanain ''^ 

To Dato Puyo : 60 

To Dato Amir Haissin 60 

To Habji Buter 50 

To Habib Mura , , 40 

To Serif Saguin 15 

"Signed in triplicate, in English and Sulu, at Jolo, this 20th day or Augusij 
(A. D. 1899 (13th Arakuil Akil 1317). 


^ ''Date ATTIK. 

/■ •'Dato CALEB. 


"Signed: J. C. BATES, " 

' "Brigadier-General, U. S. V." 

-' > 
The annual aggregate of these salaries is $9,120. The Spanish agreement 

was for $6,300 a year. 

Article 3 of this agreement guarantees to the Sultan and his high officials 
non-interference with their rights, dignities and religious customs. ThesB in- 
clude polygamy. < 

Article 10 secures to the slaves their right to freedom by paying to their 
masters the usual market value, and secures to the masters their slaves unless 
they thus buy their freedom. ' 

The President transmitted this agreement to Congress, and in his message 
of transmittal made the following statement: 

I have confirmed said agreement, subject to the action of Congress, and with the 
reservation, which I have airected shall be communicated to the Sultan of Jolo, that 
this agreement is not to be deemed in any way to authorize or give the consent of the 
United States to the existence of slavery in the Sulu Archipelago. I communicate these 
facts to Congress for its information and action. 

The President Allows Slavery to Continue in Existence. 

Nothing could be more characteristic than this message. It is ingeniously 
indirect. Slavery does not exist in the Sulu group by virtue of the above 
agreement, nor by the permission of the United States. Its continued existence 
requires neither the authority nor the consent of the United States. The 
President's declaration that "in approving the agreement it must not be deemed 
to authorize the existence of slavery nor to give the consent of the United 
States to its existence does not in the least degree interfere with or discoura''e 
the existence of slavery, nor does it pretend to. It lets it alone, thereby main- 
.talnlng it. All President McKinley has done for the slaves in the SuJu Group 


Is to give them the riglit to remain slaves or to buy their freedom at the same . 
price that the slave-clciilcr would pay for them in open mai'l;et. And he is the 
successor of Aliraham I.iticoln. lie is the President of a nation the Constitution 
of which he is sworn to uphold, including lis thirteenth amendment, forbidding 
slavery anywhere in the jurisdiction of the United States. He is the hero and 
master of a gi'eat party which in 1856 declared slavery and polygamy to be 
'"twin relics of barbarism," and pledged itself for their extirpation frora the 
land". ' 

No wonder the State department refused any copy of this precious docu- 
ment that could be "used until after the elections of 1899. But they furnished 
a copy to the Associated Press in Arabic— the Arabic of that province — and no 
one could be found who could translate it.' Let every Republican read and 
reread the President's language concerning slavery in the Sulu Archipelago, 
Slavery had existed there from time immemorial. The Sulu Islands belong 
to the United States, if the treaty with Spain ceded any territory at all. They 
are included in the treaty boundaries. The President makes no objection what- 
ever in his message to the continued existence there of slavery. All he says 
is that the agreement made by General Bates is not the authority by which 
slaves are held in the archipelago, and that the United Sjtates does not by 
that agreement consent to the existence of( slavery tliere. But while the 
'agreement does not authorize slavery, it lixes the price which any slave must 
pay to his master if he desires to purchase his freedom. 

Mr. Schurman, the President of the Philippine'Oommission, in an intei-view 
concerning this agreement, not only defended slavery and polygamy, but was 
very severe on those who complained of tht tupport given them by Gen. Otis 
and President McKinley. He said: 

It seems to toe tliat were it not for the ignorance displayed the present hue and cry 
about polygamy and slavery in these islands would be absolutely crirainill. In taking 
over the Sulu group we have acquired ' no rights of any sort there except those 
bequeathed us by Spain. She was bound by her agreement with the not to inter- 
fere with the religion or customs of the islands, and it would be most ilnwlse for us to 
attempt 'this by force when it can be ultimately accomplished by the slower method of 
ciTlilzatlon and education. The Sulu group proper contains about 100,000 inhabitants. 
I They are all Mohammedans. To attempt to interfere with the religion of these peopl0 
would precipitate one of tlie bloodiest wars in which this country has ever been engaged.. 
They* are religious, fanatics of the most pronounced type, who care nothing for death 
and believe that the road to heaven can be attained by killing Christians. Polygamy 
Is a part of their religion, and slavery, about which so much is being said Just now, 
is a mild type of fei^dal homage. The Sultan believes from what he has seen of Ameri- 
cans that they are ready to be friendly and deal honestly by him. 

President Schurman himself presents a fine example of a "mild type of feu- 
dal homage." The President could not have a more abject bondman. 

Congress took no action on this fool agreemeht, and the Mohammedan slave- 
holding Sultan enjoys his religion and polygamy, and the "mild homage" of 
his slavps under the Stars and Stripes of free America, which, by the grace 
of William McKinley, wave over the nasty sty. 

"Who will haul down the flag?" 




(By Dr. H. S. Taylor, of Chicago.) 

•Who will haul down the flag?" quoth he, , 

And no man an answer gavev 
But -who will haul up the flag, ask we, 

Where the flag ought never to wave? 
Over an arrogant mission of spoil 

That talies, as a matter of course, 
A suhject race and- a conquered soil 

And a government based on force! 
Answer us! — answer us! true and fair, ; 
Who will haul up Old Glory there? 

"Who will haul down the flag?" quoth he, ' 

Nay, think how it first went up, 
When War, astride of the land and sea, 

Poured wrath from his brimming cup; 
When brave men died and left in beqnest 

One pledge for the great and the small; 
Not stars for a few and stripes for the rest, 

But the flag of our country for all! 
Answer us, truly and plainly, we pray; 
Was that not its meaning in Washington's day? 

From Washington's day to Jackson's time, 

From Yorktown to New Orleans, 
Did any man follow that flag sublims 

And doubt what the symbol means? 
Free self-ruled stJ-tes, each one as a star 

Fixed fast in a field of blue 

Fenced in by tlie blood-red stripes of wa( 

To preserve them for me and you! 
Answer us, now, do you dare to draf 
The old faith out of our fathers' flag? 



••Who will haul down the flag?" quoth he, 

Why, no hand of flesh and bone 
Can lower that flag on land, or sea, 

Till the faith of the flag is gone! 
Till a few shall rule and cunningly keep ' 

The bunting to garnish their greed; 
Till 'dollars are dear and humanity cheap 

By the force of a tory creed! 
Then will it fall!— but answer us, clear, , ' 

Do you fancy that hour Is drawing near/ 

Did our Liberty Bell ring in vain? 

Was our declaration a lie? 
Must we turn i to the old world, again, 

With the penitent prodigal's cry? 
Must we arm us and iparch in the van 

Of Europe's barbaric parade, 
And boom out a gunpowder gospel to man 

To open a parthway for trade? 
Shall we strut through the world and bluster and brag 
With the dollar- rqark, stamped on the brave old flag? 

Nay, haul up the flag— raise it high— 

Not yet is its spirit sijenti 
Let it sing in the wind and the sky / 

The truth that it always meant! 
Let it sing of the birthright of man, 

Of progress that never can lag. 
Let it sing that trade may go where it can 

But liberty follows the flag! 
Yea, haul up Old Glory— but, comrades, take heed 
That no man shall part the old flag from the creed! 

;A:>. : 



>A convention of over three hundrecl independent men, representing the an- 
ti-imperialistic sentiment outside of the Democratic party and- its allies of 
1896, was held at Indianapolis on the 15th of August., With substantial 
unanimity it adopted the following patriotic address to the American peo- 

Address to the People. 

"This liberty congress of anti-imperialists recognizes a great national crisis, 
which menaces the repuMic upon whose future depends in such large meas- 
ure the hope of freedom throughout the world. For the first time in our 
country's histoi-y the President has undertaken to, subjugate a foreign people 
and to rule them by despotic power. He has thrown the protection of the 
American flag over slavery and polygamy in the Sulu Islands. He has arro- 
gated to himself the power to impose upon the inhabitants of the Phil- 
ippine islands a government without their consent, and taxation without rep- 
resentation. He is waging war upon them for asserting thesvery principles 
for the maintenance of which our forefathers pledged their lives, their for- 
tunes and their sacred honor. He claims for himself and Congress author- 
ity to govern the territories of the United States without constitutional re- 
' "We believe in the Declaration of Independence. Its truths not less self- 
evident to-day than when first announced by our fathers, are of universal ap- 
plication and cannot be abandoned while government by the people endures. 

"We believe in the Constitution of the United States. It gives the Pres- 
ident and Congress certain limited powers, and secures to every man within 
the jurisdiction of our government certain essential rights. We deny that 
either the President or Congress can govern any person anywhere outside 
the Constitution. 

Opposed to McKinley's Policy. 

"We are absolutely opposed to tlie policy of President McKinley, which pro- 
poses to govern millions of men without their consent, which, in Porto Rico 
establishes taxation "without representation and a government by the arbi- 


trary will of a legislature unfettered by constitutional restraint, and in the 
Philippines prosecutes a war of conquest and demands unconditional sur- 
render from a people who are of right free and Independent. The struggle of 
men (or freedom has ever been a struggle for constitutional liberty. There 
is no liberty if the citizen has no right which the legislature may not in- 
vade, if he may be taxed by a legislature in which he is not represented, or 
if he is not protected by a fundamental law against the ai'bltrary action of 
executive power. The pplicy of the President offers the inhabitants of Porto 
Rico, Hawaii and the Philippines no hope of independence, no prospect of 
American citizenship, no constitutional protection, no repcesentation In the 
Congress which taxes him. This is the government of men by arbitrary, 
power without their consent; this is imperialism. 

"There is no room under the free flag of America for subjects. The Pres- 
ident and Congress, wlip derive all their powers from the Constitution, can 
govern no man without regard to its limitations, 

' '^ 
Want Censorship Removed. 

"We believe that the greatest safeguard of liberty is ^a free press, and 
we demand that the censorship in the Philippines which keeps from the 
American people the knowledge of what is done in their name be abolished. 

"We are entitled to knoiw the truth, and we insist that the powers which 
the President, holds in trust for us shall be not used to suppress it. 

"Because we thus believe, we oppose the re-election of Mr. McKinley. The 
supreme purpose of the people in this momentous campaign should be to 
stamp with their final disapproval his;attempt to grasp imperial power. A 
self-governing people can have no more imperative duty than to drive from 
public life a chief magistrate who, whether in weakness or of wicked pur- 
pose, has used his temporary authority to subvert the character of their gov- 
ernment and destroy their national ideals. 

"We, therefore, in the belief that it is essential at this crisis for, the Ameri- 
can people again to declare their faith in the universal application of the 
Declaration of Independence and to reassert their will' that their servants 
shall not have or exercise any powers whatever other than those conferred 
by the Constitution, earnestly make the! following recommendations to our 
countrymen: ' « 

Three Recommendations. 

"First. That, without regard to their views on minor questions of domestic 
policy, they withhold their votes from Mr. McKinley, in order to stamp with 
their disapproval what he has " dome. 

"Second. That they vote for those candidates for Congress in their respec- 
tive districts who will oppose the policy of imperialism. 

"Third. While we" welcome any other method of opposing the re-election 
of Mr. JIcKinley, we advise direct support of Mr. Bryan as the most efCectiye 
means of crushing imperialism. 


"We are conviaced of Mr. Bryan's sincerity and of his earnest purpose to se- 
cure to the Filipinos their independence. His position and the declarations 
contained in the platform of his party on the, vital issue of the campaign 
meet our unqualified approval. 

Organization to be Extended. 

"We recommend that the executive committees of the American Anti-Impe- 
rialist League and its allied leagues continue and extend their organizations, 
preserving the independence of the movement; and that they take the most 
active possible part in the pending politlfcal campaign. 

The Voter's Responsibility. 

"Until now the policy which has turned the Filipinos from warm friends 
to bitter enemies, which has slaughtered thousands of them and laid waste 
their country, has been the policy of the President. After the next election it 
becomes the policy of every man who votes to re-elect him and who thus be- 
comes with him responsible for every drop of blood thereafter shed." 

Chairman Boutwell's Remarks. 

'The convention was presided over by the venerable. Gov. Boutwell, of 
Massachusetts, one of the most distinguished and honored founders of the 
RepuWican' party. He has served his State as Governor, Representative in 
Congress and in the United States Senate, and the nation as Secretary of 
the Treasury under Grant. He was accorded a great demonstration when he 
took the gavel. He said:i * 

'•Having in mind the many honors I have received from my countrymeTi in 
times past, I shall, when this day is gone, have no more favorable recollec- 
tion of any one of them than I shall of this. This is an historic occasion. If 
the peril of this country is what we think it is; if the question before you and 
before your countrymeij is the question of the continuance of the republic, 
then no graver question has ever been committed to an assembly of men or to 
the country. We are opposed to imijerialism. We are in favor of a republican 
form of government. We respect the teachings of our ancestors, the glory of 
the history they have left to us; and standing between the past and the fu- 
ture, it is our duty to tfansmit to posterity the principles of the fathers and 
the institutions that they founded. That Is your mission to-day as the repre- 
sentatives of forty-five States of this Union. It may be a representation 
yitliout an organized constituency, but it is a representation that speaks for 
itself and for the people of the country and for the generations that are ad- 
vancing to take our places, and it is a representation that has a right to speak 
of a representation that will be heard at Washington to-day, heard all over 
the world; speaking as we do for the preservation of republican institutions; 
representing the American republic, the light of which, if it shall go out, will 
never be rekindled on the sm'face of the earth. 


"I charge that the policy upon which this administration has entered will 
mean the abandonment at the principles upon which the party was formed 
and eventually turn the republic Into an empire. The first of the means be- 
fore-us for the preservation of the Union, if our allegation is true, is the over- 
throw of the administration. I am not disposed to make issues with men; but 
my former friend and fellow-citizen, Mr. Long, the Secretary of the Navy, 
has made a remark which in itself may not appear very signififleant, but nev- 
ertheless I choose to make some comment on it ' ' " ' 

The Cry Against Imperialism. 

' "Mr. Long says what we call imperialism is only a ci-y, and that the antl- 
Imperiallsts a:re few in number and of no considerable importance. He says 
their voice is only a cry. That may be true; a census has not been taken 
and we do not boast of numbers. But nineteen centuries ago a cry was heard 
in the wilderness of Judea; lieard by only a few, but now the echoes of His ■ 
voice are heard the world over. And now we are trying for an open path 
of justice for all people; repentance for the wrong that has been done in the 
past and reformation for the future. We have accomplished something. The 
anti-imperialist leagues have made the name and characteristics of imperial- 
ism known and spoken in every palace, every log cabin, and every prairie 
camp on this continent. 

"We are told there is peace in the Philippines, and our 60,000 soldiers there 
are merely performing police duty. The President has said the Philippines are 
ours, and there will be no abatement of our rights and no scuttle policy. 
This seems to indicate that we have entered upon a colonial policy. I always 
follow the President by his doings, not by his speeches. When speeches of 
men and the actions of men appear not to harmonize, I look to their actions 
for their truth; therefore, I have never looked to the words of President 
McKinley as presenting substantial evidence of what he would do. 

"I am not able to explain the motive of Mr. McKinley in taliing this policy. 
I believe that he is the master mind in his Cabinet,- and that nothing has 
transpired except that which he himself has originated. And he has carried 
it through thus far without interruption. He interpreted the protocol with 
Spain contrai-y to its language aud framed the treaty of Paris according to 
his own ideas; and he has since interpreted his powers upon his own theoiy, 
as to what he was authorized to do. He is the one person responsible for 
what has been done, and if we ai'e opposed to what has been done, our chief 
duty is the overthrow of the administration of which he is head. 

Veto Power Over Cuban Legislation. 

"There has been put forth recently a statement of the conditions that 
would be required of the people of Cuba if they become independent.' They 
are to have no power to jjeclare without the consent of the United States. 
The United States is to have veto power over Cuban legislation; the United 


States is to have a certain well-defined superrisioa over the Cuban treasury;, 
the- United States is to retain for a period of years, if not indefinitely, the 
, fortifications which command the port of Havana. How do these provisions 
accord with the promises made to the people at Cuba? * , * * * * 
"Who does not see that the day of England's downfall is approaching? And. 
we are aslied to follow her example and tread in the imperial footstpps of 
Great Britain, knowing that these steps are leading the British Ernpire to 
desti-uction. Now is the time for the people to arrest this progress to riiiu, 
and the laboring men of this country are the. men to whom I app.eal. If we 
I accept imperialism it means that some people shall do the thinking, and the 
'' rest do the working; then the course of liberty cannot be saved." 

i-etter from W. Bourke Cochran. 

Hon. Bourke Cochran, of New York, being unable to attend the convention, 
wrote the letter from wlflch the following are extracts: 

"New York. Aug. 14, 1900. 

"My Dear Sir: 1 regret very much that owing to business engagements 
here I will be unable to attend the Liberty Convention at Indianapolis on the, 

"The attitude of anti-imperialists to imperialism cannot be open to doubt, 
and therefore I assume the object of the convention is not to express oppo- 
sition, but to devise a method of making that opposition effective. 

"The issue of imperialism having been squarely raised between the two 
great parties, it be plain that the only way in which a citizen can exercise 
any direct influence upon the result is by voting for the Republican candidate 
who supports it, or the Democratic candidate who opposes it. 

"Nothing can be accomplished by the nomination of a third candidate that 
cannot be accomplished equally by abstention from the polls, except that the 
citizen who remains at home on election day passes unnoticed, wliile he who 
votes a third ticket attracts attention. The difference between a silent and a 
vociferous refusal to exercise th(^ suffrage is not worth discussion, since ab- 
stention from civic duty is never commendable. AVhen the republic is in 
danger the only place for the patriot is in the ranks of its active defender.^. 
Absence from the field of contest or shooting in the air can never be justified." 
******«*« ^, 

After expressing his dissent from Mv. Bryan's financial views, lie said: 
"Tliere is one issue which the popular verdict will settle Irrevocably, and 
that is the issue of imperialism. If the Republican p.nrty be successful, 'its 
control of the judicial, as well as of the executive and legislative depart- 
ments of the goveruraent, will be absolute, and its disposition to exercise all 
its power for the enforcement of an imperialistic poliiy cannot be doubted. 
At the end of four years .imperialism will be so firmly imbedded in our po- 
liUeal life that it can never be expelled. 


"Mr. Bo'an's election ot Itself would put a quietus on the imperialistic 
adventure. No policy specifically condemned by the people has ever been 
adopted into our system, and imperialism would prove no exception to the rule, 
air. Hoar's" suggestion that the Senate would refuse to follow a Democratic 
President in a policy of humanity approved by the people does faint justice 
to his own patriotic capacity when, liberated from the exigencies of a' cam- 
paign for re-election, his Intellect and his conscience would be restored to har- 
monious and effective co-operation. Imperialism, rebuked at the polls and 
shown to be unprofitable, would not have a single supporter in the country. 
Within a month of election Senator Hoar could reduce his .noble conception 
of freedom and duty to definite proposals of pacification which both parties 
would aceeptJ The country having pronounced for justice, politicians of every 
shape and description will 'be eager to do justice, and when the desire for 
justice Is sincere the way to justice is soon discovered. ' ? 

The Paramount Issue. 

''Since the election of Mr. Bryan is certain to deliver tie country from the 
Imminent peril of imperialism, can the liberty convention hesitate to support 
him because of impalpable danger arising^ from his opinion on subjects with 
which, as President, he cannot possibly deal? 

"I confess it is hard to understand the attitude of those gentlemen who 
would have supported him if the convention had been sUent or evasive on the 
free coinlge of silver, but who hesitate to support him on a platform which 
excludes that question from the serious discussions of the contest by rele- 
gating it to a subordinate position. The Democratic platform declares that 
Imperialism ii the paramount issue of the campaign, and Mr. Bryan's speech 
at Indianapolis accepts this conception of the issue, emphasizes it, and vin- 
dicates It. But a declaration that imperialism is a paramount issue is equiv- 
alent to a declaration that it is the sole issue, for no Presidential election ever 
decided more than one question. In my judgment, the platform adopted by 
the Democratic convention should be much more satisfactory to sound money 
men than any of the substitutes suggested by older and more conservative 
managers. Since nobody pretended th^t Mr. Bryan's opinions on the question 
raised by the Chicago platform oi! 189G have been changed, his refusal to dis- 
guise them in any way is highly creditable to his honesty, and honesty is the 
first essential of pati-iotlc Presidential service. 

, ill 41 * «<* • * • 

"The best evidence of our capacity to deal with the Issues of 1902 or 1904, 
whatever they may be, is to deal intelligently now yvith the issues of 1900. On 
that issue Mr. Bryan stands for justice, liberty, and the Constitution, and 
since all these would be imperiled by his defeat, it is to be hoped that the 
liberty convention will not be swerved from supporting him by prejudices 
springing from past antagonisms or by groundless apprehensions of the fu- 
ture. Yours very sincerely, , iW. BOURKE OOOKRAN." 




Contrast the speech of Gov. Boutwell, the old Massachusetts Republican 
leader, with the grovelling and fulsome flattery of Henry Cabot Lodge, in his 
speech at Canton notifying President McKinley of his denomination. Effacing 
his ovv^n official character by ignoring the existence of such a body as the 
United States Senate, unmindful of the honor bestowed upon him by the peo- 
ple ofMaissachusetts in commissioning him to sit as their representative Where 
Webster and Sumner served them, he talked glibly to McKinley as a courtiey 
might talk to an Emperor. 

After referring to the subjects of the tariff, finances and Hawaiian annexa- 
tion, he said: 

On all these questions you fulfllleil the hopes anr justified the confldcmee of the jjeo- 
ple who four years ago put trust in our promisees. But on all these questions also you 
had as guides not only your own principles, the well-considered results of years of 
training and reflection, but also the plain declarations of the National Convention 
whieli nominated you in 1896. ' : 

Far different was it when the Cuban question, which we had already promised to 
settle, brought, first war and then peace, with Spain. Congress declared war^ but you, 
as Commander-in-Cliief, had to cai-ry it on. You did so, and history records ulibrokpn 
Tlct6ry from the first shot bt the Xasdirille to the day when the protocol was signed. 
The peace you ha^d to make alone. Cuba, Torto Rico, the Philippines— you had to 
assume alone the responsibility of taking them all from Spain. Alone and weighted 
with the terrible responsibility of the unchecked war powers of the Constitnllon, you 
were obliged to govern these islands and to repress rebellion and disorder in the rhil- 

No party creed defined tile course yon were to follow. Courage, foresight, compre- 
hension of American interests, both now and In the uncharted future, faith in the 
American people, and in their fitness for great tasks, were then your only guides and 
counsellors. Thus you framed and put In operation the great new policy which has 
made us at once masters of the Antilles and a great eastern power hoMing flrmiy our 
possessions on both sides of the I'aiiflc. 

The new and strange ever excite fear, and the courage and prescience which accept 
them always arouse crlllcism and attack, Yet a great departure and a new policy 
were never more quickly justified tbu those undertaken by you. On the possession of 
the Philippines rests tlie admirable diplomacy which warned all nations that American 
trade was not to be shut out from China. It Is Manila that we owe the ability to send 
ti'ooj>9 and ships in this time of stress to the defense of our Ministers, our mission- 
arie.;, our ilonsuis and our merchants In China, instead of being compelled to leave our 
eltlzcus to tlic ca'<ual prolectiou of other powers, as would have been UDavoidable had 
we flung the t'hUlpplnes aw.ny and withdrawn from the Orient. 

The Philadelphia Convention has adopted your policy both in the Antilles and the 
Philippines, sxid has made it tbeir avra and that of the Eepublican party. 

jLODGE TO Mckinley. 119 

I'onr eloct'Ioa, sir, n.ext Novemtier assures to .us the continuance, of tliat policy abroad 
and in our new possessions. ' » 

To 'intrust tliese difficult and vital questions to otlier hands at once incompetent and; 
hostile would be a disastrous and a still more unrelieved disaster to our posterity. , 

Nearly every sentence is imperialism In its letter and spirit. He mentions 
tlie fact that Congress declared war with Spain, but nowhere does he state the 
fact tTiat, without authority from Congress, the President has since carried 
on two wars— one against the Filipinos and the other against China. Mr. 
Lodge tells us that It was McKinley who carried on the war against Spain. 
True, he was the titular Commander-in-Chief, but he carried on no war except 
by permitting it to be carried on by the army and the navy under the laws 
of Congress, including the Articles of War. He says the President had 
to make peace alone. This is palpably untrue. Peace was made by a 
treaty ■rt'hich was totally without force or effect until ratified by the Sen- 
ate, wMch, Mr. Lodge needs to be reminded, is still a part of the Gov- 
ernment. , Imagine a President assuming alone, as Jlr. Lodge declares Mr. 
McKinley did, the responsibility of tailing Cuba, Porto Rico and the Philip- 
pines all from Spain. There is not a semblance of truth in the statement. 
Then as to the terrible responsibility of the military government in the newly 
acquired territory! iVhy did he not tell the President that, in violation of the 
protocol,v he assertedf authority over the Philippines nearly four months before 
the sovereignty over them was "vested in the United States? To assume that 
a treaty will be ratified, and then to act accordingly in advance of its rati- 
fication, is to usurp the treaty-making power, i ^ 

But the most noticeable part of Mr. Lodge's notification speech is that in 
which he declares that the President has inaugurated a "great new policy" 
which has made us a "great Eastern Power." This he admits is a "great de- 
parture" from the established order of things. It is the establishment of this 
"Vnew policy," this -"great departure" from Republican methods— this executive 
usurpation of powers which the Constitution vests exclusively In Con- 
gress—it Is these violations of the Constitution which, if continued, would 
themselves be a subversion of our constitutional republic, upon which the 
American people are to pass judgment at the election in November. 

Tue country owes a great debt to Mr. Lodge for his shameless confession 
that his party is to be henceforth the supporter of executive usurpation both 
in peace and in war so long as a Republican Presideht occupies the White 
House, and that the Constitution is no longer recognized by the Republican 
Administration as the supreme law of the land. 

It is not alone the executive branch of the government that seeks to 
govern without restraint. Although Mr. Lodge and his party in its conven- 
tion have beei^ very voluble over the President's Philippine policy, they have 
carefully avoided the discussion of the act of Congress for the Government 
of Porto Rico. But the Republican Congress could not thus dodge the logiciil 
result of the President's imperial policy. That body trampled upon the Con- 
gtitution as remorselessly when it passed that act as the President did when 


he^ Inauguratccl an undiluted despotism in tlie tliilippines while they were 
yet Spanish territory. Mr. Lodge was a member.of the majority in Congress, 
und participated loudly and aclively in completing the worli which the Presi- 
dent had begun of transforming our constitutional representative republic, for 
the time iDeing, into an empire. Of course the people have yet to'vote upon 
this que.stion. Tliey only can destroy the republic and tliey only can erect 
an empire upon its ruins. 

At present the government of the United States is an imperial one, though. 
Still under the name of a' republic. The President is virtually an iJmperor and 
his party majority In Congress are a part of his executive council. They do 
his bidding when he cares, to bid them, but he acts freely without their au- 
thority when he cares to do so. He pi-evouts- them from acting when their 
action would interCerfe with his "new departure," as witness his unauthorized 
commencement of a war in the Philippines while Congress was in session. 
That body submitted to this usurpation by him of the war power, and now 
,he bears absolute military sway in that region, which will continue until 
Congress provides a civil government. Xobody knows whether the war "is 
over or not. The official statements on tlie subject aje conflicting. A bill 
for the government of the Philippines was before Congress at the last ses- 
sion, but was not acted upon because the President desired to continue' military 
rule,— war or no war. 

The Porto Kico act, which is more fully discussed in a later chapter, was 
based upon^the entirely new pretense that the Constitution is not operative 
In the territories. This heresy cannot prevail m this c'ounti-y. It is in open 
conflict v.'ith all the interpretations of the Constitution by the Supreme Court 
on the subject. Numerous decisions of that great tribunal are given in the 
nest chapter. They will be read with interest because they foreshadow what, 
the decisions of- the cflurt will be when the constitutionality of the Porto Rico 
act comes before it fQr discussion, and those decisions will control future 
legislation concerning the Philippines. The court has never made any de- 
livery upon which the imperialists can build a hope for the success of their 
bold undertalilngs. 

The fact that our Republican rulers are now attempting to rule alien peo- 
ple only, on American^ territory outside of the Constitution, is a menace to the 
continued rtile of that Charter of our Liberty within the States. The Louis- 
ville Courier-Journal sounds the following note of warning: 

To maie tbe President aud Congress free of constitutional restraints in the Territor- 
ies and new possessions would be a long step toward making them supreme eyerywhere. 
It Is just as easy to Invent a new theory for the States as lor the Territories. 


Despotism. Absolute control over others. 

Despot. One who rules regardless of Constitution or laws. 

Empire. Supreme power or authority; imperial power; always comprising 
a variety in the nationality of, or the form of administration, in constituent 
pr subordinate parts, as the Austrian Empire or the British Empire. 


Imperial. Pertaining to an Empire or an Emperor; as an Imperial gOTern> 
ment; imperial power pr sway; the imperial Parliament* , 

Imperialism. The power, anthoritjr or character of an empire; the spirit erf! 
empire. , 




Its Decisions Upon the Question Whether the Constitution 
of the United States is in Force in the Territorie's. 

By Hon. Wm. M. Springer, of Illinoii?. 

Can Congress legislate in reference to tlie territory acquired by the- United 
Statfes without being subject to the restraints and limitations of the Consti- 

This is a constitutional question which has been raised by the legislation of 
the present Congress in reference to Porto Rico, and the answer to it must • 
finally be given l)y the Supreme Court of the United States. In the mean- 
time a President and Congress must be elected to deal with the subject in 
the future. 

There are two provisions of the Constitution which are especially important 
in considering this question. They are given below. 

Sec. 8, Article I, of the Constitution of the United States is, as follows: 

"Tile Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts 
and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general 
welfare 0t the United Spates; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uni- 
form throughout the United States." 

Article X, of (he Constitution (amendment), is 'as follows: 

"The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor 
prohibited by it to the States, are reser-^ed to the States respectively or to 
the people." 

The Porto Rico Act. ' 

On April 12, 1000, Congress passed "An Act Temporarily, to Provide Reve- 
nues and a Civil Goveninienf for Porto Rico, and for Other Purposes." 

Sec. 2 of said act provides tliat the same tariffs, customs and duties upon 
all articles imported Into Porto Rico from other ports than those of the United 
States sliall bo paid as are imposed on lilie articles imported into the United 
States from foreign countries: ProvidKl, That on coffee in the bean or ground 
imported into Porto Kieo there shall be paid a duty of five cents per pound, any 
law or part of law to the contrary notwithstanding. And provided further, 
That all Spanish, scientific, literary and artistic works shall be admitted free 


of duty into Porto Rico for tentyears, as provifled in the Spanish-American 
ti-eaty of December 10, 1898. 

Sec. 3 of the act provides that all merchandise coming into the United 
States from Porto Rico shall pay a duty of fifteen per centum of the duties 
which are imposed upon like articles from foreign countries under the Ding- 
ley Tariff Act, and in addition thereto, upon articles manufactured in Porto 
Rico, a tax equal to the internal revenue tax, upon like articles manufactured 
in the United States. "^ 

Sec. 14 of said act is as follows: 

"That the statutory laws of the United States, not locally inapplicable, ex- 
cept as hereinbefore or ■ hei-einaf ter otherwise provided, shall have the same 
force and effect- in- Porto Kleo as in the United 'States, except the internal reve- 
nue laws, which," in view of "the provisions of section 3, shall, not have force 
and effect' in Porto- Rico." 

The foregoing provisions of the Porto Rico Act are in conflict with the 
eighth section of Article I of' the Constitution of the United States. Sugar is 
admitted into the United States elsewhere free of duty, and the "Spanish 
.Works" mentioned are taxed according to the rates in the Dingley Act. The 
internal revenue laws are declared not. to have force and effect in Porto Rico. 
Thus, the rule of uniformity required by the eighth section of Article I of the 
Constitution is disregarded and violated. 

Txie friends of the Porto Rico Act in Congress 'conceded the fact that it vio- 
lated the rule of uniformity as to imposts, duties and excises, but they con- 
tended that the Territories are mere dependencies of the United States and 
the Congi'ess has theri,£;ht and power to govern them as it ma'y see fit, without 
regard to any restraints or limitations of the Constitution. 

Neither the act of Congress to enable the President to take, possession of 
the Louisiana Purchase, approved October 31, 1803, which was the first act 
in reference thereto, nor the next act in reference thereto, approved Jlarch 26, 
180-1, ejecting Louisiana into two Territories and providing a temporary gov- 
ernment therefor, contained a provision putting the Constitution of the United 
States in force in the territory covered by the purchase. But in the fourth sec- 
tion of the latter act it was provided that the powers of the legislative council 
should extend to all the rightful subjects of legislation, "but that no law shall 
be valid which is inconsistent with the Constitution and laws of the United 
States," thus aguming that the Constitution, proprio vigore, extended to the 
teiTltory purclrased from France, by virtue of its acquisition by, the United 

The Supreme Court must finally decide this important question. In view of 
this fact it is of interest to exanjine the opinions of the Supreme Court here- 
tofore announced on similar questions, so as to ascertain, if possible, what 
may be the opinion of that court in reference to Porto Rico and the Philippine 

! The cases which bear upon the question will be considered in their chrono- 
logical ordet 


In the ease of GeiT6 et al. vs. Pitot (6 Crandi, 336, decided-in Marclr, 1810% 
Chief Justice Marshall, in delivering the opinion of the court, after quoting the 
constitutional provision giving Congress povrer to dispose of and make all 
needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other propertj belong, 
ing to the United States, said: 

"Accordingly we find Congress possessing and exercising absolute and un-i 
disputed power of governing and legislating for the Territory of Orleans." 

Tliis language if taken alone is broader than, was intended by the eminent 
Chief Justice. The question as to the restraints imposed upon Congress by; 
the Constitution was not raised. When that question vras raised in subseciuent 
cases, thq Chief Justice left no doubt as to his opinion. The next case cite* 
Bhows this fact. 

In 1820, in the case of Loughborough vs. Blake, 5 Wheaton, pp. 318-3, Mr. 
Chief Justice Marshall, speaking for the whole court, which was composed 
of such eminent jurists as Bushrod Washington, Livingston and Joseph Story, 
used the following language, which is so clear and forcible that it should settle 
the question for all time: 

"If this' could be doubted, the doubt is renfoved by the subsequent words 
which modify the grant These words are, "but all duties, imposts and ex- 
cises, shall be uniform throughout the United States." It will not be con- 
tended that the modification of the power extends to places to which the poweu 
itself does not extend. The power, then, to lay and collect duties, imposts and 
excises may be exercised, and must be exercised throughout the United States. 
Does this term designate the whole or any particular portion of the American 
Empire? Certainly this question can admit of but one answer. It is the name 
given to om" great Republic, which is composed of States and Territories, 
The District of Columbia or the ten-ltory west of the Missouri is not less , 
witliin the United States than Maryland or Pennsylvania, and it is not less 
necessary, on the principles of our Constitution, that uniformity in the imposi- 
tion of imposts, duties and excises should be observed in the one than in the 

If there was no other opinion of the Supreme Court on the subject of the 
powers of CongTCSs in reference to the Territories, the foregoing opinion of 
Chief Justice Marshall ought to be sufficient to convince every fair-minded citi- 
zen that, whatever Congress may do in reference to territory acquired by the 
united States, by purclmse or by conquest, must be done under all the limita- 
tions and restraints of the Constitution of the United States. 

In the case of the xVmcriean Insuiancc Co. ^"8. Canter (1 Pet., 546), Chief Jus- 
tice jNlarshall, delivering the opinion of the court, said: 

"In legislating for them (the Territories), Congi-ess exercises the combined 
po^^■ers of the general and of a Stale Goverumeut." 

The decision of tlie court Avas then announced as follows: 

"Wc think, then, that the act of the Teii-itorlal Legislature (of Florida) 
creating the court by whose decree the cargo of the Point a Petre was sold 
is not inconsistent with the laws and Constitution of the United States, and 
is yaUd," _ : 


The court held that the admiralty jurisdiction exercised by the Florida court 
estaiSlished by act of Congress was derived from the power of Congress to 
make all needful rules and regulations respecting territory belonging to the 
United States; and that the jurisdiction exercised by the Blorida court was not 
a'part of that "judicial power which is defined in the third article of the Gon- 

The general statement that In legislating for the Territories Congress exer- 
cised the combined powers of the General and State Government cannot be. 
construed Into a recognition of unrestricted power of legislation, for the rea- 
son that in exercising the powers of the General Government Congress is sub- 
ject to all the restrictions of the Constitution. The opinidn of Chief Justice 
Marshall in Loughborougti vs. Blalje (5 Wheat., 318) sustains this view, and 
'other opinions cited in this paper show that the Supreme Court so under- 
stood this language. 

In the case of Benner vs. Porter (9 How., 243, decided in 1849), the Supreme 
Court, passing upon the powers of Territorial Governments, said: 

"They are not organized under the Constitution, nor subject to its complex 
distribution of the powers of government, as the organic law; but are the 
creatures, exclusively, of the legislative department, and subject to its super- 
vision and control. Whether or not there are provisions in that instrument 
which" extend to and act upon these Territorial Governments, it Is not now 
material to examine. We are speaking here of those provisions that refer 
particularly to the distinction between Federal and State jurisdiction." 

The opinion in this case is relied upon to support the position of those who 
contend that Congress, in legislating for the Territories, is not subject to any 
of fhe restrictions upon its powers contained in the Constitution. But all 
other opinions of the Supreme Court show that this contention is erroneous. 
The Court expressly stated that it did not pass on that question. 

In the case of Cross vs. Harrison (16 Howard, pp. 82-83, December Term, 
1853, the Supreme Court held, Mr. Justice Wayne delivering the unanimous 
opinion of' the court, that, by the ratification of the treaty between Mexico 
and file United States, California becanie a part of the United States, and 
that the tariff laws of the United States then in force became applicable to 
foreign goods entered at San Francisco, in the absence of a specific act of Con- 
gress putting such laws in force; and the court further held that the duties 
which had been paid by Cross, the plaintiff, after ratification of the treaty 
and before Congress passed an act making 'San Francisco a port of entry, 
could not be recovered back in a suit against the collector to recover the same. 
Justice Wayne, in Jiis opinion, said: 

"The right claimed to land foreign goods within the United States at any 
place out of a collection district, if allowed, would be a violation of that pro- 
vision in the Constitution which enjoins that all duties, imposts and excises 
shall he uniform throughout the United States. Indeed, it must be very clear 
that no such rights exist, and that theire was nothing in the condition of Cali- 
fornia to exempt importers of foreign goods into it from the payment of the 
same -duties which .were chargeable in the other ports of :the United States." 


San Francisco- had not lat that time been madfr a port of entry. In fact,.iEfl| 
tariff laws -which existed prior to the war -with Mexico were held by fEe 
court to have become effective over the territory ceded by Mexico to the 
United States the moment the treaty of cession was ratified, and it was further 
held, as stated above, that "by the ratification of the treaty California became 
a part of the United States," and that if the President had neglected to pre- 
vent the landing of foreign goods therein, "it would be a neglect of his con- 
stitutional obligation to take care that the la-ws be faithfully executed." 

In 1856 the Supreme Court, Chief Justice Taney deUvering the opinion, used 
the following language in reference to the power of Congress to legislate in 
reference to the territory which had been acquired by the United States, af tei; 
the adoption of the Federal Constitution: 

"There is certainly no power given by the Constitution to the Federal Gov- 
ernment to establish or maintain colonies bordering on the United States or 
at a distance, to be ruled and governed at its own pleasure, nor to enlarge its 
territorial limits in any way, except by the admission of new States. That 
power is plainly given. * * * But no power is givten to acquire a Territory 
to be held and governed in that character. (19 How.' 446.) 

"We do not mean, however, to question the power of Congress in this respact. 
The power to expand the territory of the United States by the admission of 
new States is plainly given. * * * It is acquired to become a State, and 
not to be held as a colony and governed by Congress with absolute authority. 
* * * The court must necessarily look to the provisions and principles of 
the Constitution and its distribution of power for the rules and principles by 
Whfch its decision must be governed. 

"Taking this rule to guide us, it may be safely assumed that citizens of tie 
United States who migrate to a Territory belonging to the people of the 
United States cannot be ruled as mere colonists, dependent upon the will of 
the General Gtovemment and to be governed by any laws it may think proper 
to Impose. * * » A power, therefore, in the General Government to obtain 
and hold colonies and dependent territories, over which they may legislate 
without restriction, would be inconsistent with its own existence in its present 
formi Whatever it acquires, it acquires for the benefit of the people of the 
several States who created it. (Id. 447.) 

"The powers of the Govern-ment and the rights and privileges of the citizen 
are regulated and plainly defined by the Constitution itself. And when the 
Territory becomes a part of the United States the Federal Government enters 
into possession' in the character imjiressed upon it by those who created it. It 
enters upon it with its powers over the citizen strictly defined and limited by 
the Constitution, from which it derives its own existence, and by virtue of 
which alone it continues to exist and act as a Government and sovereignty. 
It has no power of any kind beyond it, and it cannot, when it enters a Terrl- 
toi-y of the United States, put off its character and assume discretionary or 
despotic powei-s which the C.pnstitutiou has denied to it." (Id. 448.) 


Tue foregoing extracts from Judge Taney's opinion are talien from the case 
of Dred Scott vs. Sanford, and ttie case is reported in 19 Howard, pages 398 
to 633. Tlie court was dividec} in opinion, two of ttie Justices, Messrs. Mc- 
Lean and Curtis, dissenting. ' 

The Supreme Court at that time was composed as follows: Chief Justice 
Taney and Associate Justices John McLean, James M. Wayne, JoHh Catron, 
Peter V. Daniel, Samuel Nelson, Robei't C. Grier, Benjamin R. Curtis and 
John A. CampbeH. « 

The dissenting opinions of Justices McLean and Curtis are in accordance 
witli the opinion of the court, in so far as its opinion is set forth in the fore- 
going extracts. Mr. Justice McLean (page 542) said: 

"Did Chief Justice Marshall (in American lusurance Co. vs. Canter, 1 Pet., 
542), in saying that Coogi-ess governed a Territory, by exercising the combined 
powers of the Federal and State Governments, refeft to unlimited discretion? 
A Government which can make white men slaves? Surely, such a remark in 
the argument must have been inadvertently uttered. On the contrary, there 
is no power in the Constitution by which Congress caD make either white or 
black men slaves. In organizing the Government of a Territory Congress is 
limited to means appropri^e to the attainment of the constitutional object. 
No powers can be exercised which are prohibited by the constitution, or 
which are contrary to its spirit, so that, whether the object may be 
the protection of the persons and property of purchasers of the public lands 
or of communities who have been annexed to the Union by conquest or pur- 
chase, they are initiatory to the establishment of State Governments, and no 
mbre power can be claimed or exercised than is necessary to the attainment 
of the end. This is the limitation of all the Federal powers. * * * 

"If there be a right to acquire territory, there necessarily must be an implied 
power to govern it. When the milita:ry force of the Union shall conquer a 
country, may not Congress provide for, the government of such country? This 
would be an implied power essential to the acquisition of new territory. This 
power has been exercised, without doubt of its constitutionality, over territory 
acquired by conquest and purchase. 

"And when there is a large district of country within the United States, 
and not within any State Government, if it be -necessary to establish' a tem- 
porary Government to carry out a power expressly vested in Congress— as the 
disposition of the public lands, may not such Government be instituted by 
"Congress? How do we read the Constitution? Is it not a practical instru- 

"In such cases no implication of a power can arise which is inhibited by 
the Constitution or which may be against the theory of its construction." (p. 

r>44.) ; : ; , ' . ' ' 

Mr. Justice Curtis, in his dissenting opinion on page 613, said: • 
"As was said by Mr. Chief Justice Marshall, in the American Insurance 
Cgmpany vs. Canter (1 Peters,. 542), "the Constitution confers absolutely on the 


Bovernment of the Union the powers of making war and of malcing treaties; 
consequently tliat Government possesses the power of acquiring territory, 
either by conquest or ti-eaty." (See Oerr6 vs. Pi tot, 6 Cr., 336.) And I add, it 
also possesses the power of governing it, when acquired, not by resorting to 
Buppositioug powers, nowhere found in the Constitution, but expressly granted 
in the authority to make all needful rules and regulations respecting the terri- 
tory of the United States." * » * 

On page 614 he said: "If, then, this clause does contain a £)ower to legislate 
respecting the territory, what are the limits of that power? 

"To this I answer that, in common with all the other legislative powers of 
Congress, it finds limits in the express prohibitions on Congress not to do 
cerfain things; that, in the exercise of the legislative power. Congress cannot 
pass an ex post facto law or bill of attainder; and so in respect to each of the 
other prohibitions contained in the Constitution." * * ♦ 

And again, on page 616, he said: 

"It has already been stated that after the Government of the United States 
was organized under the Constitution the temporary government of the terri- 
tory northwest of the river Ohio could no longer exist, save under the ■powers 
conferred on Congress by the Constitution. Whatever legislative, judicial or 
ex^ufive authority should be exercised therein could be derived only from 
the people of the United States under the Constitution." * * * 

It may be contended by some that the Dred Scott case was decided at a 
time of great excitement with reference to slavery in the Ten'itories of the 
United States, and that the court partook of the prejudices of the times. But 
the fact that such eminent anti-slavery judges as McLean, of Ohio, and Cur- 
tis, of Massachusetts, in their dissenting opinions took jirecisely the sama posi-, 
tion in reference to the restrictions which the Constitution imposes upon Con- 
gress in legislating for the Territories that the majority of the court took, 
shows that upon this point all parties stood upon precisely the same ground- 
namely, that Congress in legislating for the Territories was subject to all tEe 
restraints of the Constitution which it was under when legislating in refer- 
ence to the States of the Union. 

In no other case, except, perhaps, in that of Ijoughborough vs. Blake, 6 
Wheaton, 318, or in Cross vs. Harrison, supra, has the question now in issue 
before the people of the United States been so squarely met as in the case 
above cited. ,But on several other occasions the Supreme Court of the United 
States has laid down substantially the same doctrine as will be seen by the 
cases and opinions hereinafter cited and quoted. 

In the. case of Snow vs. United States, 18 Wallace, p. 319, decided by the 
Supreme Court in 1873, Mr. .Justice Bradley, speaking for the entire court, as 
there was no dissenting opinion, said: 

"The government of the Territories of the United States belongs primarily 
to Congress, and, secondarily, to such nscncies as Congress may establish for 
thaf purpose. During the terra of their pupil-age as Territories they arc mere 
dependencies of the United States, Their people do not constitute a sovereign 


power. All political authority exercised therein is derived from the General 

In 1875, in the case of the United States vs. Cruikshank et al., 92 U. S., page 
550, Mr. Chief Justice Waite, delivering the opinion of the court, after quoting 
from the preamble of the Constitution, said. 

"The Government thus established and defined is to some extent a gov- 
ernment of the States in their political capacity. It is also, for certain pur- 
poses, a government of the people. Its powers are limited in number, but not 
in degree. Within the scope of its powers, as enumerated and defined, it is 
supceme and above the States, but beyond It has no existence. It was erecteji 
for special purposes, and endowed with all the powers necessary for its own 
prservation and the accomplishment of the ends its people had in view. It 
can neither grant nor secure to its citizens any right or privilege not expressly 
or by Implication placed under its jurisdiction." * * * ' 

"The Government of the United States is one of delegated powers alone. 
Its authority is defined and limited by the Constitution. All powers not 
granted to It by that instrument are reserved to the States or the people. Xo 
rights can be acquired under the Constitution or laws of the United States, 
except such as the Government of tie United States has the authority to 
grant or secure. All that cannot be so grafted or secured are left under the 
protection of the States." ' 

In fhe case of Reynolds vs. United States (98 U. S., p. 162), the Supreme 
Court of the United States, Chief Justice Waite delivering the opinion of the 
court (October Term, 1878), said: 

"Congress cannot pass a law for the government of the Territories which 
shall prohibit the free exercise of religion. The first amendment to the Con- 
stitution expressly forbids such legislation. Religious freedom is guaranteed 
everywhere throughout the United States, so far as Congressional interfer- 
ence is concerned." j^ 

The eighth section of Article I of the Constitution, which requires that all 
duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States, is 
jusf as much in force in the Territories as is Article I (amendment), which 
proliibits Congress from making a law respecting an establishment of religion 
or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. 

In 1879, in the case of National Bank vs. County of Yankton, 101 U. S., p. 
133, Mr. Chief Justice Waite, speaking for the entire court, there having been 
no "dissenting opinion, said: 

"All territory within the jurisdiction of the United ^tates not included in any 
State must necessarily be governed "by or under the authority of Congress. 
The Territories are but political sub-divisions of the outlying dominion of the 
United States. Their relation to the General Government is much the same 
as that which counties bear to the respective States, and Congress may legis- 
late for them as a State does for its municipal organizations. The organic law 
of a Territory takes the place of a constitution as the fundamental law of the 
local government. It is obligatory on and biais the territorial authorities; but 


Congress is supreme, and for the purposes of this department of its govern- 
mental authority has all the powers of the pe6pl6 orthe United States, except 
such as have been expressly or by implication i^se#v4d in the prohibition of the 

In 1882, in the case of United States vs. Harris, 108 U. S., p. 535, Mr. Justice 
Wood delivering the opinion of the court, said: 

"WEile conceding this, it must nevertheless be stated that the Government 
of the United States is one of delegated, limited and enumerated powers. Mar- 
tin vs. Hunter's Lessee, 1 Wheat., 30i; McCulloch vs. State of Maryland, 4 Id., 
316; Gibbons vs. Ogden, 9 id., 1. Therefore every valid act of Congress must 
find in the Constitution some warrant for its passage. This is apparent by ref- 
erence to the following provisions of the Constitution: Section 1 of the first 
article declares that all legislative powers granted by the Constitution shall 
be vested in the Cofigi-ess of the United States. Section 8 of the same article 
enumerates the powers granted to the Congress, and concludes the enumera- 
tion with a grant of power "to carry into execution the foregoing powers and 
all other powers vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United 
States or in any department or ofiBcer thereof." Article X of the amendments 
to the Constitution declares that "the powers not delegated to the United 
States are reserved to the States respectively or to the people." 

"Mr. Justice Story, in his Commentaries on the Constitution, says: 'When- 
ever, therefore, a question arises concerning the constitutionality of a particu- 
lar power, the first question is whether the power be expressed in the Consti- 
tution. If it be, the question is decided. If it be not expressed, the next in- 
quiry must be whether it is properly an incident to an express power and nec- 
essary to its execution. If it be, tlien it may be exercised by Congress. If not, 
Congress cannot exercise it.' Sec. 1243, referring to Virgina Reports and Reso- 
iutions, January, 1800, pp. 33-34; President Monroe's Exposition and Message 
of|May 4, 1822,' p. 47; 1 Tuck. Black. Comm. App., 287, 288; 5 Marshall's Wash. 
App., Note 3; 1 Hamilton's Works, 117, 121." 

The foregoing extract from Story's Commentaries on the Constitution is 
quoted by the court with approval. 

In fBe case of Callan vs. Wilson (127 U. S., p. 550, October Term, 1887), the 
Supreme Court, Mr., Justice Harlan delivering the unanimous opinion of the 
court, said: ' 

"In Reynolds vs. United States (08 U. S., 145), it was taken for granted that 
the sixth amendment of the Constitution secured to the people of the Terri- 
tories the right of trial by jury in criminal prosecution; and it has been pre- 
viously held in Webster vs. Reid (11 Hot-., 437-460) that the seventh amend- 
ment secured to them a like right in civil actions at common law. We cannot 
think that the people of this disti-ict have, in that regard, less rights than those 
accorded to the people of the Territories of the United States." 

In rendering this decision the Supreme Court held that section 1064 of the 
Revised Statutes of the District of Columbia, dispensing with a petit jury, in 
prosecutions bjr information ip the Pppc^ Court^ is inapplicable to cases like tli| 


case at bar; in other wpraji, ;^liaj:,^^"tlie provisions in tbe Constitution of the 
United States relating fpj.^^-^^^^ ^^ury aa-e in force in the District of Colum- 
bia." Yet there was no law of Congress putting these pi-ovisions of the Con- 
stitution hi force in the .pi|1;|icyf^| Columbia, butj on the contrary, there was 
a statute 'of the United States, in existence, gs stated above, which violated 
those provisions of the Constitution. They were, therefore, in' force in the 
District of Columbia, proprlo vigore. 

In tlie case of Mormon Churqh vs. United States (136 U. S., p. 42, October' 
Term, 1889), Mr. Justice Bradley delivered the opinion of the court. He as- 
serted the acceplied doctrine that the power of Congress over the Territories 
of the United States is general and complete. He quoted with approval from 
the opinion of Chief Justice Marshal in the case of the American Insurance 
Cpmpany vs. Carter (1 Pet., 511), and from the opinion of Justice Nelson, in 
Benner vs. Porter (9 Howard, 255), and from the opinions of Chief Justice 
Waite, in the case of National Ban]i vs. County of Yanliton (101 U. S., 129), 
and from that of Justice Matthews, jn Murphy vs. Kamsy (114 U. S., 15), in 

|.^, which case it was said: '"The people of the United States as sovereign owners 
of the National Territories, have supreme power over them and their inhabl- ■ 
tants. In the exercise of this sovereign dominion they are represented by 
the Government of the United States, to whom all the powers of government 
over that subject have been delegated, subject only to such restrictions as are 
.expressed in the Constitution, or are necessarily implied in its terms." (136 
U,. S. Reports, page 44.) 
Mr. Chief Justice Fuller and Justices Field and Lamar dissented from the 

' judgment of the court in this case, holding that it was an arbitrary disposi- 
tion of the Mormon Church property by Judicial legislation. The Chief Jus- 
tice, agreeing with the com-t that all legislation by Congress in reference to the 
Territories is subject "to such restrictions as are expressed in the Constitution, 
or are necessarily implied in its terms," went further, announcing his opinion 
as follows: 

"In my opinion Congress is restrained, not merely by the limitations ex- 
pressed in the Constitution, .but also by the absence of any grant of power, 
express or implied, in that instrument. And no such jfbwer as that involved 
In the act of Congress under consideration is conferred by the Constitution, 
nor is any clause pointed out as its legitimate source. I regard it as of vital 
consequence that absolute power should never be conceded as belonging under 
our system of government to any one of its departments. The legislative power 
of Congress is delegated and not Inherent, and is therefore limited." (135 
u:'s., p. 67.) 

In 1S96, in the case of Walker vs. Southern Pacific Railroad (165 U. S., p. 604) 
the Supreme Court, Mr. Justice Brewer delivering the unanimous opinion of 

; the court, said: 

I;. "N'ew Mexico is a Territory, but in it the Legislature has all legislative power 
except as limited by the Constitution of the United States and the organic act 
arid the laws of Congress appertaining thereto." 


TEe question before the court was as to wlietlier a certain act of the Legis- 
lature ot New ilexico was in con.u-avention of tbe &vent]i amendment of tfie 
Constitution of lie United States. 11 'was as^uai^A'-'tii'at if tlie act was in con- 
travention of that aihendment to the Constitution it was void. 

In the case of xMcHeni-y, vs. Alf ord treporte^iH ItiS' U. S., pp. 151-173, October 
Term, 1897), iilr. Justice Peekham delivered the opinion of the court! Among 
the questions involved was as to whether a certain ^act of the Legislature of 
the Territory of Dakota violated the fourteenth amendment of the Constitu- 
tion of the United States. The court held that the act in question did not vio- 
late that provision of tlie Constitution. It was assumed that the Constitution 
and all its amendments were in force in that Territory. 

In the case of Thomas vs. G-ay (reported in 169 U. S., pp. 264-284, October 
Term, 1887), -Mr. Justice Shiras delivered the opinion ot the court. One of the 
questions involved was whether a certain act of the Legislature of the Terri- 
tory of Oklahoma, imposing taxes on cattle grazing on lands not in organized 
counties was in violation of the Constitution of the United States. The court 
held that the act was not in violation of the Constitution. It was assumed that 
the Constitution was iu force in the Territory of Oklahoma. 

In the case of Wagoner vs. Evans (reiwrted in 170 U. S., p. 588, October' 
Term, 1897), iJr. Justice Shiras delivered the opinion of the court. One of the 
questions involved was sm to whether a certain act of the Legislature of Okla- 
homa was in violation of the Constitution of the United States. iThe court held 
that the act was not in violation of Oie Constitution, reafiBrming the decision of' 
the court in Thomas vs. Grrnj, 169 U. S., p. 264. It was again assumed that 
the Constitution was in force in the Territory of Oklahoma. 

In tie case of Thompson vs. Utah (reported in same volume as above, page 
346), Mr. Justice Harlan, in deJivering the opinion of fhie court, said: 

"That the provisions of the Constitution of the United Stiites relating to the 
right of trial b'y jury in suits at common law apply to tJie Territories of the 
United States is no longer an open question." 

He then cites all tlie cases theretofore decided by the court involving the 

In the case of the (>pital Traction Co. vs. Hof (174 U. S. p. 5, Oct. Term, 
1S98), Mr. Justice Gray, in a very elaborate and able opinion, said that Con- 
gress being empowered by the Constitution "to exercise exclusive legislatioi; 
in all cases whatever" over the seat of government, has entire legislative con- 
trol over the District of Columbia for every purpose of government, national 
and local, "so long as it does not contravene any provision of the Constitu- 
tion of the United States," citing Kendall vs. U. S. (1S3S) 12 Pet., 534, 619; 
IMattingly vs. District of Columbia (1876) 97 U. S., 687, 690; Gibbons vs. Dis- 
trict of Columbia (1886) 116 U. S., 404, 407. The Court held in the case that 
"it is beyond doubt, at the present day, the provitions of the Constitution se- 
curing the right of trial by jury, whether iu civil or criminal cases appli-' 
cable to the District of Columbia." ' 


Hence Congress, notwithstpucling; its po\ver to legislate for the District oJ 
Columbia for every v>m-X)t^fif) fi^^gg^^^-ument, is restrained by the Cpnstitution in 
such legislation. ' ^,' .^^^J' , ■ ' 

In the case of Warburton ys,,'^hite (reported in 176 U. S., p. 484, October 
Term, 1899, the last volume of reports published), Mr. Justice White deliverefl 
the Opinion of the court. The question before the court was as to whether a 
certain act of the Legislature of the Territory of Washington was in violation 
of the Constitution of the United States. The court held that the act was not 
In violation of the Constitution. It was again assumed that the Constitution 
was In force in Washington Territory. 

In the case of Blacli vs. .Taciison (not yet reported, decided by the Supreme 
Court, March 6, 190O), Mr, Justice Harlan, spealiing for the entire Court, sub- 
mitted an able opinion, in which a decision of the supreme court of Okla- 
homa was reversed Upon the ground, among others, that that Court disregarded 
the defendant's contention .that he ws,8 entitled to a trial by jury. Justice 
Harlan said, in referring to the seventh Amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States; "That amendment, so far as it secures the right of trial by 
jury, applies to judicial proceedings in the Torrilories of the United States," 
citing Webster vs. Reid, 11 How., 437, 4G0; American Publishing Co. vs. Fish- 
er, 106 U. S., 404-460; Springfield vs. Thomas, 106 U. S., 707. The same doe- 
trine was announced as controlling the Court, in its decision in the case of 
Potts vs. Hollen, decided at the same time, not yet reported. 

It may be contended that the recent opinions of the Supreme Court, in ref- 
erence to the organized teiTitories of the United States were controlled by the 
fact that Congress had in the acts organizing such territories put the Con- 
stitution in force in tliem. While Congress did declare that the Consti- 
tution and all laws of Congress not locally inapplicable should have the same 
force and effect within the territories as elsewhere in the United States, it 
Is evident that this language merely declared a fact, so fslr as the Consti- 
tution is concerned, which already existed. The Constitution was ngt made by, 
Congress, and it cannot extend it over any place or person. Congress itself 
is a creation of the Constitution, and can only exist and legislate where the 

Constitution authorizes it to do so. 

All the opinions of the Supreme Court, from its foundation to the present 
time, bearing upon this question have been exartilned. If there are other cases 
nof cited herein, they have escap<id notice. 

the opinions from which the foregoing extracts are taken are not in con- 
flict with any other utterances of the Supreme Court on this subject. There 
have been no adverse opinions pronounced by the Supreme Court. 

The question now at issue before the country as to the constitutionality of 
the Porto Rico Act has been decided in effect over and over again by the 
Supreme Court, as appears from the foregoing extracts from the court's opin- 

CUief Justice Marshall, in the Loughborough case supra, settled the whole 
controversy. Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands are "not less within the 


United States than Maryland or Pennsylvania; and it is not less necessary on 
the principles of our Constitution that uniformity in the imposition of imposts, 
duties and excises should be observed in the one than in the other." 

The opinions of the Supreme Court cited in this paper show that every 
member of the Court, as it is now constituted, is on record with a written opinion 
or by assenting thereto to the effect that Congress in legislating for the territoriea 
or the District of 'Columbia, is under all the restraints of the Constitution of the 
United States. When the Porto Rico Act gets before the Supreme Court there will 
be no member of the Court to uphold, its palpable violations of the Constitution. 
And if similar legislation is passed for the Philippine Islands, it will meet a like 

No opinions have been cited in this paper except those of the Supreme Court' 
of the United States, which must finally pass upon the constitutionality of the 
Porto Bico Act and determine the question as to the extent of the powers of 
Congress to legislate respecting the territory belonging to the United States. 
There are two cases determined by inferior courts in the United States bear- 
ing on the subject which should be cited. In the case of Bdelman vs. United 
States. (86 Fed. Reports, 4B6, decided in 1898), in the 9th Circuit Court of Ap- 
peals, sitting in Oregon, Judge Morrow, speaking for the court, said: "Con- 
gress has full legislative power over the Territories, unrestricted by the lim- 
itations of the Constitution." He cited, among others, the cases of Cross, vs. 
Harrison; Nat. Bank vs. Yankton, and Mormon Church vs. United States, 
supra. If Judge Morrow had read the opinions he cited, he would have dis- 
covered that they did not sustain his conclusion. The court was evidently mis- 
lead by the arguments in the case. The other case which shoul-d be cited is 
that of Ortiz, ex parte, decided in Jtfay, 1900, in Minnesota. Judge Lochren 
submitted an able opinion in this ease, which is reported in 100 Fed. Reporter, 
S55, VFhich is commended to those who desire to reach a just conclusion upon 
this important question. In concluding his opinion, Judge Lochren said: "It 
must be held that, upon the cession by Spain to the United States of the island 
of Porto Rico, that island became a part of the dominion of the United States, 
as much so as is Arizona or Jlinnesota, and that the Constitution of the United 
States, ex proprio vigore, at once extended over that island, and that this ex- 
tension of the Constitution gave to CongTess, w^ose every power must come 
from that insirumentB the authority to legislate in respect to that island as a 
part of the United Slates territory." 

This paper has possibly been extended to an unreasonable length. But it 
was deemed important to cite all adjudicated cases bearing on the subject. 
It deals with one of the most important questions ever brought to the atten- 
tion of the American people. An intelligent decision of it can only be had by 
a calm and dispassioned review and consideration of all the authorities ou the 


CO _Q 

E ^ 

CO > 

CD < 


*! JtrSTlb:^"BREWER'S PBOTiiSt, 135 


. Justice David J. Brewer of tlie UHlted States Supreme Court, who is a Re- 
publican, uttered an empliatic oondemnatioa of impejialisriii before the Lib- 
eral Club oi Buffalo,' more than a year and a half ago. He spoke in part as 

.fiollows: ' ■ ■ . . - 'd ,,. .- '., 

•■ ■ --■.■■..'. .v;ift^. ov ,-^ . _ ■; 

Republic and Empire Distirtgyished. 

"It is said that the Anglp-Saxoa race has manifested a papadity to gotem 
well; that we are of that race, and that, therefore, we "could well govern the 
Philippine Islands, as colonies. -I do not question the capacity of the race 
•well and wisely to govern others. I object to the Philippine policy 
antagonizes the principles upon which this government was founded, which 
have controlled its life up to present time, and the perfpction of which has 
been the hope a!nd aspira,tion of every true American. 

"Vevy few nations, very few indivldiials, livp up to their Jhigh ideals; but 
surely the Declaration of Independence has been the Ideal of our life, and we 
hftve striven to make it more and more real. Now, government by force is the 
very antipodes of this, and to introduce government by force over any portion 
of the nation is to start the second quarter of the second century of our life 
-upon principles which are the exact opposite of those upon which we have 
hitherto lived. It is one thing to fail of reaching your ideal; it is an entirely 
different thing to deliberately turn your back upon jt. 

"The test of government is not in the outward mechanical display of order, 
but in the capacity to develop the best men, and we have lived in the faTth 
that government by the consent of the governed develops the best men. We 
have not let the wise rule the ignorant, the learned the unlearnedy the .rich 
the poor, but we have appealed always to, 'the plain people' as the ones in 
whose judgment to rely, and upon whose shoulders should rest the burden of 
the government. 

Ideas are, after all, the eternal force. Human life and destiny are con- 
trolled by them. They may sepm to-day of little significance, but around 
them gather material interests, and to-morrow their power is disclosed. 


Parting of :;~c Wp-.ys. 

' ••^■-.vfrauiP!!! \>y c«:M"iit and govcnim(.nt by I'jice, ro mottcr ho\y,v.-eU 

I. v:i!iv( '■•i)ja«K, ifuiy If.'" u.Uiiiui^cCi'; ;!,• are rl,wO«ili[i;i!),v ai*lag-o!!Js,i1c' pnn- 

ii>li«. I'oubllrs.s I'.i! iiKLtK-diJie couLiiut wijlj loUow. a\\'e may see a large 

!)iM»viu-e' of iii-Nsre)11y; ! a; ;.re we uot sowinR ttic-..^i.X'ds which in fbe clays 

Kt-'cdmi:' Wi'ti -■.•(),«■ uii iurrj a liarvtsr uf uoublt- lui'uu. ijiiiiaiLj aiij uiii ^^Al- 

( Evils of Empire. 

•A nix'flf'-'i;. :of 'K-ni.'ii po«tos^3''ins .- an lucl. .;? in onr regular army, and 
'■■■■I i)'ii':.M: i_ . ►; '9S> u , fro-iii 30. .iJ to liJi.LUj la n. It Is a strange com- 
Dieii.uiy tLnl at tlie ciuse ul tile uiucieentli ceniury the head of the most 
arbiira.y governmeot in the ci\iiizecl world, the Czar of the Russias, is in- 
viting thf nations of the world to a decrease in their arms, while this, the 
freest la^nd, is proposing an increase in its. Yet -such seems to be the im- 
perative need, if we enter upon the system of colonial expansion. 

Great Economic Questions Confront Us. ",.; 

"Now the great economic problem in this country is not how can a few 
men make more money and pile up larger fortunes, but how can the great 
body of the people make a fair and comf ortalale living? , The right to work 
is again and again insisted upon as more important than the right to vote, and 
the cry of the right to work is supplemented by the cry that the state furijish' 
work to all "^ylio cannot obtain it elsewhere. 

"Are we likely to aid in solving this problem by bringing into our national 
life 10,000.000 or 12,000,000 of unskilled iVlalat laborers? We have shut the 
doors against the Chinese. Are they any worse than the Malay? Shall we Intro-' 
duce in this nation more cheap labor? I do not wonder at the action of the 
Federation of Labor in protesting against a new competition, of cheap labor 
as well as an increase of the army, with its consequent increase of burden 
and taxation on the employed laborer. 

Money in it for a Few.— Evils From Concentrated Wealth. 

4;]gut there is money in it. And, after all, this is really the most potent 
factor in the proposed reaching out after the islands of the Orient. The 
wealth of Ormus and of Ind is to-day, as in the days of Milton, the expec- 
tation and the dream of many. Possession of the Orient, with its accumulat- 
ed wealth of centuries, dazzles the imagination and confuses tbe jud<>-ment 
The haze of mystery liangs over that vast domain. Wealth untold Is be- 
lieved to be there, ready to be appropriated by any dominant power. All 
the nations and tribes come within Lord Salisbury's definition of dying na- 
tions, and must soon be divided between and appropriated by the living and 
growing nations. China is held out as a dying nation, filled witb inexhaustible-' 
wealth, and why should we not share in its appropriation? What a picture) 


this !s! The eagle of liberty standing like a buzzard to gro'w fat over an ex- 
pected corpse. 

"Ill fares the land, to hastening ills a prey, 
Where wealth accumulates and men decay. 
"The Caesars saw the spears of their victorious legions flash in the sun- 
light of every linown land, and in their triumphant return they brought with 
them the accumulated wealth of all the nations they had subdnied. The splon- 
dor of imperial Rome outshone the world, but the wealth thus obtained 
without value given undermined the empire, and the glory of Rome Is sim- 
ply a memory. Napoleon beheld the shining star of destiny; 4nd then? Does 
human nature change through the centuries? We stand to-day facing the temp- 
tation Which comes from the possibility of rapidly accumulated wealth. What 
right have we to anticipate that the same result will not follow if we pursue 
the same course of talking what we have not fully earned? 

Our Present Form of Government. 

' "The problem we have sought to worU out in this nation is that of govern- 
ment of and by and for the people. A great nation upon that principle seems 
possible only under a federal system, a system which relegates all matter of 
local interest to the several states, and exercises through the national govern- 
ment only those powers and functions which malie for the general welfare. 
We have' wonderfully prospered in administering such system in a compact, 
continental territory, each part of which has been possessed and controlled by 
a race capable of self-government, 

"Duty" and "Destiny" Derided. 

"This is no trifling question and Is not answered by any gush about duty 
and destiny— in fact, all this tall? about destiny is wearisome. . We malse our 
own destiny. We are not the victims but the masters of fate, and to attempt 
to unload upon the Almighty responsibility for that which we choose to do is 
not only an insult to ttim, but to ordinary human intelligence. 

Blessings of Our Example. 

"We are told we have become so great and powerful that the world needs 
us, but what the world most needs is not the touch of our power, but the 
blessings of our example. It needs the bright example of a free people not 
disturbed by any illusions of territorial acquisition, of pecuniaiT gain or mili- 
tary glory, but content with their possessions and striving through all the 
abilities, activities and Industries of their wisest and most earnest to make 
the life of each individual citizen happier, better and more content. 

Two Courses— Which Will You Choose? 

"Two visions rise before me: 
. , "One of a nation growing In population, riches and strength; reaching out 
the strong hand to bring within its dominion weaker and distant races and 

S£ ' 


lands; holding them by force for the rapid wealth they may bring— with per- 
haps the occasional glory, success and sacrifice of war; a wondrously luxur- 
ious life into which the fortunate few shall enter; an accumulation of magnifi- 
cence which for a term will charm and dazzle, and then the shadow of the 
awful question whether human nature has changed, and the old law, that 
hisFory repeats itself, has lost its force, whether the ascending splendor of im- 
perial power is to be followed by the descending gloom of luxury, decay and 

"The other of a nation where the spirit of the Pilgrim and the Huguenot 
remains the living and controlling force, affirming that the Declaration of In- 
dependence, the farewell address of the father of his country and the Monroe 
doctrine shall never pass into innocuous desuetude; devoting Its energies to 
the development of the inexhaustible resources of its great continental terri- 
tory; solving the problem of universal personal and political liberty, of a gov- 
ernment by the consent of the governed, where no king, no class and no race 
rules, but each individual has equal v-oice and power in the control of all, 
where wealth comes only as the compensation for honest toil of hand or 
brain, where public service is private duty; a nation whose supreme value . 
to the^ world lies not in its power, but in its unfailing loyalty to the high 
ideals of Its youth, its forever lifting its strong hand, not to govern, but to pro- 
tect the v/eak; and thus the bright shining which brightens more and more. 
igto the fadeless eternal day." 



"The United States and England go hand in hand. This sentiment con- 
templates peace, arbitration and, without any political alliance, harmony of 
action throughout the world, on all questions involving civilization, human- 
ity, and the rescue of kindred. ■ OHAtNOBY M. DBPEW." 

This expression of sentiment was made in a dablegram from Senator De-j 
■ pffw to the editor of -the Philadelphia Press (-Postmaster-General Smith's news- 
paper) on the 27th of July, 1900. 

' "Questions Involving civilization" have been defined by Great Britain in 
South Africa. Questions involving "humanity" have been defined by Pres- 
ident McKinley in Porto Rico and the Philippines. '*' 

Is it in this policy of "civilization" and "humanity" that Great Britain 
and the adm'inistration of President Mcliinley go hand in hand? 

It Is easy for the Republican party to deny that a formal alliance exists 
between the United States and Great Britain. Such an^ alliance would Re- 
quire a treaty approved by two-thirds of the Senate. No such treaty exists 
or could exist. The alliance, understanding, co-operation, sympathy, heart- 
to-heart brotherly accord, or whatever they find it most expedient to term this 
relation between Great Britain an4 Mr. McKinley's administration, is not a 
matter of treaty, but Is between Mclvlnley's administration and the British 
Foreign Office, in defiance of the Senate's prerogative, and evasion of the Con- 

Executive Usurpations. 

President McKinley has learned how to evade the Constitution and how to 
act independently of it by usurpation of power such as no President of the 
United States has ever before attempted. 

The Constitution does not permit the President of the United States to 
cede territory to a foreign gov§rnment; yet under the form of a temporary' 
agreement, in- a "modus vivendl" such a cessiofi of territory has been made to 
Great Britain In Alaska, the title being made "temporary" to avoid having to 
go to the Senate with a treaty of cession. But the cession passes to Great 
Britain with the "temporary" title, and the only thing necessary to render it 
permanent is for Great Biltain never to. negfttiatg.a trgaty.lpr. its cession bacft 
to the United States. 



By such methods things are accomplis.hed without the formality of legal 
process. By such a 'system of avoidance, and doin^ by indirect methods that 
which accomplished, directly,., th.^ ,|l,n^rstanding between Great 
Britain and the McKinley administration is accomplished. The Senate would 
never have consented to a treaty of alliance, Therefore the administration 
calls it a "syn)pathetic co-operation for the advancement of civilization and 
humanity," and proceeds with a policy consistent with the existence of such 
an alliance. 

Abundant Evidence ot an Alltance. 

There is abundant evidence of an alliance, not between' the United States 
and Great Britain, but between the McKinley administration and the Brit- 
ish Foreign Office. Such an alliance, implied and not legally ratified,, is a 
double offense, since it not only violates our traditional policy, but, through a 
system of avoidance adopted by the administration, usurps the po^wer vested 
conjointly in the Executive and the Senate, and evades the Constitution. Our 
fundamental law prescribes a method by which an understanding may be 
readied between /this government and a foreign power. It is a serious thing 
for an official of the government to have an understanding with a of reign, 
power arrived at by any other than a legal method. The President will not 
confess to the existence of such an alliance. To avow it would be to in- 
vite impeachment. £from unguarded utterances and from flagrant acts it must 
be discovered. Both the utterances and the acts are in evidence and their 
testimony is overwhelming. 

It was publicly avowed by British officials and by the British press that 
the sympathy of Great Britain with the United States in the Spanish war 
was not altogether sentimental, but was expected to be reciprocated by this 
government as occasions, which were anticipated, should arise. And on the 
very first occasion thereafter, President McKinley did reciprocate. This was 
in the Chinese open-door negotiations, completed without reference to the 
Senate, and in a policy of sympathy for Great Britain in a war against the 
Transvaal Republic, provolsed for the purpose of overthrowing that republic 
and establishing British monarchical rule. Great Britain professed to stand 
between the United States and foreign intervention at the outbreak of the 
Spanish war, and the McKinley administration stood between Great Britain 
and inten'ention by the powers in the South African affair. Mclvinley also 
stood between Great Britain and our own Congi-ess Ln an expression of 
synipathy for the Boer Republic. 

Laying aside matters of common report or secret linowledge among diplo- 
matic agents,— such as the part taken by the British Ambassador in Wash- 
ington in leading the Administration into a change of policy with reference 
to the retention of the entire Philippine group in furtherance of the British 
policy in the Orient; and instructions sent by Secretary Hay to our representa- 
tives in France, Germany and Russia, to notify these powers, when inter- 


vention in South Africa was conteinplated, that this government woold not 
participate in such intervenfiHri,—' t'he evidence, tlirough public acts and declar- 
ations, is sufficient to es?a36li'& ^ overwhelming circumstantial evidence the 
existence of an understan'd'ihg '^between the administration and the British 
Foreign OfBce. When war Was imminent between Spain and the United 
States the expressions of sympathy and liinship by British statesmen,, as 
well as the British press, associated this sympathy with co-operation and rec- 
iprocity in future events. The St. James Gazette of London, of the date of 
April 12th, 1898, said the United States would be justified in refusing to tol- 
. crate the condition of things in Cuba, and in asking the moral support ot 
Great Britain in briaging it to an end. In this connection it adds: 

"In China, no doubt, it is We who are chiefly concerned, but tiie United 
States has genuine interests there and they are identical with ours. We both 
ask for the open door and nothing else. Here, then, moral support may be 
given for the moral support of the American government. It has every claim 
.to insist upon making its voice heard; it must needs have a seat at any con- 
ference on the Chinese question, and we can calculate It will be given In 
agreement with our^. It has hitherto been the ruling principle in American 
politics to abstain from alliances with European powers. But the time for 
alliance has come for the United States. They can no longer afford to view* 
the conflicts of the European powers as something remote and of no concern 
of theirs." 

When the war with Spain was concluded, Secretary Hay, who in the mean- 
time had affiliated with the British statesmen as ambassador to Great Britain, 
and having been transferred from that embassy to the Secretaryship of State, 
took steps to carry out Uiese suggestions. Correspondence was entered into 
bei ween the Department of State and the .several foreign powers looking to , 
an understanding by which the open doOr in China might be maintained in 
accordance with the British suggestion; and commitments, more or less 
vague and indefinite, were secured from all the principal powers. Sir Charles 
Dilke, writing about that time on the subject of British and American sym- 
pathy, expressed his sympathy for the United States in the Cuban affair and 

said: " 

The Alliance Declared by British Statesmen. 

"I also gladly recognize the recent general admission in the United States 
of the identity of interest between the United Kingdom and the States In 
regai'd to trade facilities in China and many other portions of the world." 

But by far the most significant utterance, both in its frankness of ex- 
pression and in its semi-official character, and in the light of reciprocal sym- 
pathies by the United Stales, was that of the Eight Honorable Joseph Cham- 
berlain, the British Colonial Secretary. This speech was delivered on the 
13th of aiay, 1898, before the British Liberty Unionist Association. In it Mr. 
Chamberlain confessed the isolation of Great .Britain in Euroneaajjoli.tics, and 




the importance of cultivating the close friendship of the United States, mak- 
ing no attempt to conceal the selfishness of hip pugpose. He said: ^ 

"What is our first duty under these circumstances? I say without hesitation 
that the first duty is to draw all parts of j the Etnpire close together— to in- 
fuse into them a spirit of united and imperial ipatri^dsm. We have not neg- 
lected our primary duty. We have pursued it steadfastly and with results 
that are- patent to all the world. Never before in the histoi? of the Brit- 
ish Empire have the ties with our gi'eat colonies and dependencies been 
stronger. What is our next duty? It is to establish and to maintain bonds of 
permanent amity with our tinsmen across the Atlantic." 

'^e then described the similarity of language, of law, literature and of 
race, and our interests in "humanity," and said: 

"!■ do not know what arrangements may be possible with us, but this I 
do kno-w, and fully, that the closer, the more cordial, the fuller and more 
defiriite these arrangements are, with the consent of both people, the better it 
will be for both and for the world— and I even go so far as to say that, terri- 
ble as war is, even war itself would be cheaply purchased if in a great and 
honorable cause the Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack should wave to- 
gether over an Anglo-Saxon alliance. Now it is one of the most satisfac- 
tory results of Lord Salisbury's policy that at the present time these two 
great nations understand each other better than they have ever done since, 
more than a century ago, they were separated by the blunder ct the British 

* This Right Honorable Joseph Chamberlain, the British Colonial Secretary, 
Js the man held responsible for the war upon the South African republlcv 
That war was brought on by his policy and it is recognized in Great Britain 
^s his war. He particularly claimed President McKinley's sympathy and 
gratitude, and the demand was fully and freely met by President McKinley 
and th? Republican party in withholding from the struggling Dutch RepublitS 
that sympathy which our people have always extended to another people 
struggling to secure or maintain their liberty. 

The Anglo-American League. 

Soon after these utterances by Mr. Chamberlain, steps were taken in Great 
Britain and in the United States to organize an Anglo-American League. 
On June 3d, 1898, a banquet was held at the Hotel Cecil In London, attended 
by Englishmen and Americans, at which was inaugurated a movement look- 
ing to the establishment of such a league. Lord Bernard Coolidge presided 
at the banquet. Col. Taylor, President of the American Society ia London, 
and several hundred of the British nobility and the American colony in Lon- 
don were present. A number of speeches were made on the subject of Brit- 
ish-American sympathies and a British-American alliance. Col. Taylor said: 
"As you have stood by us in our day of trial, when your day of trial comes, 
you may count upon us." Lord Brassey referred to the ties between Great 


Britain and the United StSifes dS eioser tlian any written alliance— ties wliich 
eould not be broken. ' ''Htyjaar-imh . , •■•. 

On ttie 13th of July, ISO^ltfi^'Bl'itish branch of the Anglo-American^ League 
was formed at the town I'^sffldifiias of the' Duke^ of Satberland, Stafford House 
In. London. This 'organlzatioii Ihcluded a: great array of the nobility of Eng- 
land, the high dignitaries of the English Church, Englishmen of letters and 
mostof the leading men of Ptallament, with the exception of the Irish Union- 
ists, who did not participate.' On that occasion and on the occasion of the 
Fourth .of July celebratioh Of the American' Society in London, significant 
utterances, declaratory of the perfect understanding between Great Britain 
and th^e United, States, wei-e made by distinguished EBgllshmen.. 

This movement was followed by a similar one in the United States in 
which. Mr. Whitelaw Reld, who had been the: special GiiY^3J' &f this govern- 
ment to the Diamond Jubilee of Queen Tictorla, took the Initiative. At the 
meeting at Mr. Reid's house speeches were made and. 4 committee 'was Sip- 
pointed to form an American branch of the Angle-Amerfcan League. It 
was composed of leading Republicans and Of men who had- deserted the 
Democratic party in 1896 and allied themselves with the- McRinley adminis- 
tration and its followers. 

, .-Not only in the course of the State Department with- reference to-the' Chi- 
nese,, policy, and in the restraint of this nation's expression of symijathy for 
the South African Republic, but in its relation directly with Grea;t -Britain, 
the administr'ation has followed a policy expYfessive of that sympathy and pur- 
pose of co-operation which the British -statesmen have described -as "more 
binding than any written alliance." ' - 

What has been Surrendered tq Great Britain by the 


The fontentions between this government and Great Britain over Canadian ■ 
affairs, in which American rights were, so strongly, maintained by Jarpes G. 
Blaine, Richard Oldey and other American statesmen, have now been quieted; 
not through the recognition by Great Britain of American rights, but through - 
a spirit of .concession and acquiescence on the part of Secretary Hay. The 
fishery question on our E'astern Coast is no longer the subject of contention, 
because the United States no longer contends. The Alaskan seal fisheries no 
longer occasion irritation; because there are no longer Alaskan seal^sherles 
In existence. The Alaskan boundary dispute has been settled 'by tlie "tem- 
porary" delivery to Great Britain of a vast strip of territory to which she had 
but recently laid claim. '' 

The evidence of a secret understanding Is manifest in every -act of the ad- 
ministration in our foreign relations and in the adjustment of our foreign 
policy to correspond with that of Great Britain. 

The work of this unwritten alliance is well illustr'ated by the course of 
the adminlstratioii on the subject of a Nicaragua Oanal. 


The Nicaragua Canal. 

Ever since tlie treaty with Mexico in 184S confirming the acquisition of 
Oalifoniia in 1846, it laas been the intense desire of American statesmen and 
people, \^'ithout regai-cl to party, to connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans 
Cy a canal across Central America, the general drift being in favor of the 
Nicaragua route. Our Minister at Guatamala negotiatetl a treaty with 
Nicaragua in 1849 which would have given the United States, not only tlie 
right of way across Nicaragua, but 'the right to defend the territory through, 
which the canal should pass. The Whig Secretary of State under President 
Taylor repudiated this treaty, saying it was not authorized, and in 1850, nego- 
tiated a treaty witil the Biitish Government well linown as the Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty. This treaty constituted a partnership betweeii Great Britain and 
the United States in the construction of a canal. It pledged both ■ nations 
against acquisitions of territory in that region, and against military defenses 
thereon. This treaty, is best known- by the flagrant violations of it by Great 
Britain. Tlieae gave ris^to long controver.sies and very lame and inconclusive 
results therefrom. In 1881 Secretai-y Blaine announced to Great Britain 
that the treaty had terminated, both by its own limitations and because 
of the violations of if by Great Britain' on occasions named by him. Sec- 
retary Frelinghuysen, who succeeded him, declared the treaty to be voidable 
for-similar'reasons, but not actually void. 

■ One of iGreat Britain's contentions was the maintenance of a protectorate 
over a pretended tribe of Indians lihown as "Mosqultos." Although- the 
treaty of 1850 was intended to terminate this protectorate, it has been as- 
serted up to this very time. The last utterance on the subject by Great 
liritain was a reservation of the question olf the regularity of the proceedings 
of a Mosquito Indian convention, by the act of which the MosquitO' tribe was 
merged into the Nicaraguan nation,— ah act expressly authorized In a treaty 
.. between Nicaragua and Great Britain in 1860, linown as the i Treaty of 
Manangua. Another contention was that the privilege granted British sub- 
jects to cut" dye-woods on the coast of Honduras created these subjects into a 
"British settlement,'' and justified the establishment of the colony of Brit- 
i.?h Honduras subsequent to tlie treaty of ISoO, which expressly -provided that 
no such colony should be established by either Government. ' 

The, Bi'itish Government has "a sphere of Influence" In every quarter of the 
globe, by which is meant that she has a habit of planting herself anywhere 
in countricfe'tdb feeble or too careless of tlieir interests to resist, with a view 
to talking territory on one pretext and another which did not belong to her -be- 
fore. This" has occurred in America, Africa, and Asia and- the islands of the 
sea. She has taken British Columbia from us and portions of the State Of 
Maine through the compliance of American diplomacy. She has just borrowed 
from Secretary- Hay a ijortion of Alaska to see whether we will compel its 
return. She holds extensive West Indian possessions, and claims the Carib- 
bean Sea as being within her "sphere of influence." She continues to (i«- 


dare herself a partner with the United States in Central America for canal 
building purposes, and has succeeded in inducing the State Department to 
form a new treaty to take tDe place of the Olayton-Bulwer treaty. This 
would cure all defects in that decayed old relic of American suiTender to 
British demands, and would deprive the United States of any use of an inter- 
oceanic canal for defensive purposes in time of war. 

The Isthmus is the jfateway to our Pacific States. Whether an iat^- 
oceanic canal oould be miade useful for defense in time of war is a questioa 
to be determined by the United States alone. Military and naval men differ 
in opinion on this subject. It would be a disgrace to the American nation 
to submit to a European demand for any pledge on the subject. No one de- 
ijies that an inter-oceanic canal should pe open to all commerce on equal terms. 
It is (jeneath the dignity of the United States to discuss It with any other pow- 
er in any other phase. The continental railroad magnates and Lord Pauncefote 
have exercised the influence necessary to make the McKinley administration 
antagonistic to a canal. The latest give-away treaty is now pending in the 
Seliate, and a bill for the construction of a canal is now pending in Con- 
gress. If the people desire to neutralize British influence on this mwnen- 
tous question, and if they desire to prevent the railroad monopoly from de- 
feating the capal, project because it would be a riTal for their transiwrta- 
tion business, they will not continue in power the present administration. 

Secretary Hay's Alaskan surrender is another proof of the alliance with 
Great Britain, by which she gets what she wants and we get the smiles of 
her statesmen. 

Hauling Down the American Flag in Alaska. 

President MfKinley's question "who will haul down the flag?" has just 
been answered through his agents and under his instructions by tihe hauling 
down of the American flag by himself, on American territory. The United 
States bought Alaska from Russia in 1867. It is bounded on the East by Brit- 
ish territory. The boundary line was established in 1825 in a treaty between 
Russia and Great Britain. The diplomatic correspondence which preceded 
the settlement of thaj line shows that the demand of Russia, to which Great 
Britain finally assented, was for a boundary which should give Russia ab- 
solute control of the seacoast above' 54° 40" and to prevent access to it by 
Great Britain through any inlet or navigable stream. The description of 
that boundary was copied into the treaty of 1867 between Russia and the 
United States, by which Alaska became ours. This boundary line was laid 
dofwn in the British Admiralty map, and remained undisputed more than seven- 
ty years. A Canadian conceived the idea of moving it to the -westward so that 
It would cross the heads of some navigable streams and inlets. This woi^ld 
enable British subjects to have water access to the Klondike mining region far 
In the interior of the British possessions. 


TBe Canadians, who lia,Ye always kept on laand two or three quarrels 
with the United States, finally prevailed upon tteir own government virtually 
to farm out her treaty-making power to a Canadian Commission. Instead of 
meeting this offei- by a proposition to appoint a similar commission of citi- 
zens of the State of Washington, which borders on 'the Canadian territory, 
our government met this Canadian Commission by the appointment of full 
United States Commissioners. Various questions were discussed, and some 
of them were apparently arranged for, when suddenly there came a check to 
all proceedings in the .shape of a Canadian demand for a portion of the Amer- 
ican territory of Alaska. Two insulting British claims were refused discussion 
by the United States; one was to substitute as one of the natural boundaries, 
the Behm canal or channel, instead of the' Lynn Channel, which is named* 
In the treaty; the other was that in the measuring of the strip of ten leagues 
from the seacoast we should start at the west coast of the islands lying along 
The coast instead of at the coast of the continent. This would in some parts 
have left us off the continent entirely. No agreement was arrived at, tjie 
Canadians being bent upon having some of the American territory needed by 
them for access by vessels to the sea. And so the Commission adjourned. 
Then commenced one of those lovesick periods between the British Ambassa- 
dor at Washington and our State Department. British diplomacy always con- 
sists in demanding some of the territory adjoining her, and never yielding. 
By this policy she possessed herself of a slice of Maine nearly sixty years 
ago, and of all of British Columbia, then a part of Oregon, In 1846. In this 
latest Alaskan negotiation, Uord Pauncefote consented to take- a portion of 
our Alaskan territory temporarily, leaving its real ownership to be ascer- 
tained afterwards. When the United States is bdlldozed by Great Britain 
into acceding to an insolent demand for territory, but is afraid of arousing 
the popular indignation by fully announcing its surrender. Great Britain 
makes it a little easier by agreeing to call it "temporary." Such an ar- 
imngement is called a "modus Vivendi." In the present case the matter 
was allowed to simmer along (or a year, and the people had well nigh for- 
gotten the whole subject, when suddenly therg comes the announcement that 
an American surveyor, in obedience to the instructions* of our government, 
under this "modus Vivendi" has found that Secretary Hay, with President 
Moivinley's approval, has turned over a strip of territory twenty miles in 
width to the British government, and that in doing so he has hauled down the 
American flag over a great mining district in which American miners were 
digging the gold from our soil which it is the desire and intention of Great 
Britain to steal. When Lord Pauncefote dictated the "modus vivendi" he 
evidently knew what line to demand in order to drive American miners from 
American territory and surrender it to British miners. In other words, He 
knew over just what portion of Alaskan territory it was desirable to have 
an American President and an American Secretary of State "haul down the 
flag" of the United States. 1 ' 


In all this transaction Lord Pauncefote might as vrell have been Secretary 
of State for the United States' as the one we had, and Lord Salisbury might as 
well have been our Presldrmt as Mr. JlcKinley. Hostile footsteps pj-ess Amer- 
ican soil. United States honor is insulted. United States sovereignty is defied, 
and t^nittd States territory is insolently invaded" by British subjects through 
•faithless cnnipliance with British demands by the McKinley 'administration. 
All this has been done without saying to Congress: "By your leave," and 
without suhniitting to the, Senate a treaty for its ratification or rejection. If 
the President can thus sun-ender Americao territory at his will, bow much 
further have we to go to reach ilnperiali^m■!'. It is an Insult to Americans to 
excuse this on the ground that it is only a "temporary" arrangement. The 
President can no more part with the possession of a rood of American ter- 
ritory temporarily than he can permanently. He can no more part with a 
portion of Alaslia than he can part with a portion of Maine, or of any other 
'State bordering either on Canada, or on Mexico, 

Protest of Americans. 

The following from theWashlftgton Times of July 25 shows that the Amer- 
icans of the surrendered district protest vigorously against being made Brit- 
ish subjects- '-' 

' Tlie State Department has received no confirmation of tlie report from Seattle fEat 
International surveyors liave located a boundary line between Alaska and northwest 
Canada. According to press dlspatclies tlae bouudajry gives to tlie Brltisli the northern 
half of the American Porcupine mining district. The surveyors who are' said to have 
located the line are O. T. Tittman, of Washington, and W. F. King, of, Ottawa, who 
followed Instructions set forth In the modus Vivendi agreed to a year ago by Secretary 
Hay and Lord Pauncefote. 

OfHeials of the Slate Department are inclined to believe that the line mentioned in 
the dispatches is merely a preliminary one established by the surveyors as a basis for 
future worli. According to the story which comes from Seattle, great indignation pre- 
vails in southeastern Alaska over the cession of the Porcupine mines. A petition has 
been forwarded to the President, signed by 14&-miQers, appealing Ipr the correction of 
what is termed a "costly and unwarranted mistake." 

The petitioners represent- that the modus viyendi has permitted the British to seize 
thousands of acres of the public domain containing rich deposits of gold.- All of the 
Klaheena River >and Glacier and Boulder Creeks, upon which ■ Americans have spent 
thousands of dollars in prospecting, are taken away from their rightful proprietors. 
Iron posts demarking the boundary are crowded up to the foothills; crossing and 
recrdsslng the Dalton Toll Koad, thus cutting oft entrance to an exit from American 
mining camps. ^ , 

"All this," say the petitioners, "makes our future- look uninviting. We protest to 
you, Mr. President, against the unjust seizure of the Klaheena above Kluckwan, wSich 
is only ten miles from tidewater, whereas we are entitled to the country twenty miles 
beyond Klucitwan, including the Klaheena River and Boulder and Porcupine Creeks, 
upon which Americans have made valuable discoveries at great expense of time and 

"Did you not say. that you were not in favor of ceding one inch of public domain? 
Here are thousands of acrps of rich mining ground that the British are enclosing wrthin 
their iron posts. Will you not, Mr. President, act with the people and see that those 
posts are moved back?" 


Great Britain and tlie Boers. 

The most heartless and un-American of all the results of the alliance be- 
tween Great Britain and the McKinley administration is the aid and com- 
fort given by our government to Great Britain in her war for the destruction 
of the South African Republics. It is the first struggle for freedom in whicH 
the United States GoTernment was erer found on the side of oppression and 
wrong. Our State JDepartment, under the jnanipulations of Lord Pauncefote, 
has been like an innocent countryman in the snares of a city bunco-steerer. 
British statesmen and writers have put forth a claim for the gfatltude of 
this country because the British Government allowed us to go to war with 
Spain. 'As this countrj- took good care of herself in two wars with Great 
Britain herself, such a claim is a gross insult to our people. 

Great Britain is always friendly to the United States when she wants 
Eometliing done, and when she wants to take something from us to 
which she has no right or claim. The only excuse the administration can 
give for ha,ving witliheld its sympathy from the Boers is that an expression 
of that kind would have met with the response that what that country was 
doing in South Africa we were doing in the Philippines. The super-serviceable 
zeal of President McKinley for the British oau^e, against the Boers was man- 
ifested by the haste with which our State Department assnred foreign gov- 
ernments, that we would be found neutral in the war against the Boers. 
The great hope of the little republics,— and it was a natural one,— was that 
the great republic would at least give them moral support In their struggle to 
maintain their independence. The cause for the war against them was the 
bandit's cause. They possessed gold mines which were wanted by Cecil 
Rhodes and his British friends inside and outside of their government. The 
demand made, in order to have it refused as a cause for war, was that the 
British residents in the Transvaal should be allowed to become citizens o^ 
that republic without renouncing their allegiance to Great Britain. Imagine 
such a demand upon this country! A. demand that foreigners should become 
naturalized and at the same time remain subjects of the governments un- 
der which they were born! AH the world was made to believe that ordin- 
Bi'y naturalization had been refused. By that is meant naturalization which 
would make the naturalized person an adopted eUizen of the new country 
and break off his allegiance to the former government. 

AVhen the Boer representatives visited fbis country they were made to 
feel that the^ adminstration had no kind word for them which would be un- 
]jleasant if heard by the British Ambassador. All through the country they 
were received by the people with the warmest expressions of sympathy and 
friendship, and were greatly encouraged. 

Britisli Official Violation of U. S. IVIail. 

An Instance of the complaisance of the administration towards the Brit- 
ish Government in this same connection was exhibited by the attempt of 


the administration to stifle tlie inquiry made by the House of Representatives 
into the matter of oijening the ofiicial letters addressed to our consul at Pre- 
toria. Ev«7 effort was made to belittle the inquiry and the ofCense to which 
it related, and when these efforts failed and the insult to our Government 
was about to be the subject of a Congressional report, the Chairman of the 
Committee on Foreign Affairs produced the apology of the British Secretary 
of Foreign Affairs, which was evidently not to be used when anything less 
would prevent a demand tor just such an a!pology. The following letter on 
this subject from Representative Wheeler of Kentucky, one of ' the Com- 
mittee, fully bears out the above statement: 

* "Washington, D. C, August 21, 1900. 

"Bear Sir:— Referring to our conversation of yesterday, when you aslsed 
that I furnish a statement in regard to the Macrum incident, the facts are as 

"Macrum, who was Consul to Pretoria in October of 1S99, applied for leave 
of absence by cable. It was refused by the State Depajrtment. He applied 
three or four times afterwards. A telegram sent by him on the 14th of No- 
vember was held by the censor at Durban until the 4th of December before it 
was forwarded. On the 4th of December the British Government finally for- 
warded the telegram, aad he was ■ given leave to come home. When he 
reached Washington he ascertiiined that Mr. Hay had appointed his son 
as his successor, and 'he was refused an audience at the State Dep^vrtment, 
and at the White House. He was not permitted to settle his accounts as 
Consul with Secretary of State, and up to the time Congress adjourned had 
not settled his accounts. The removal of Macrum and . his reception at 
the State Department grew out of the fact that he was a notorious and open 
advocate of the Boer cause. 

"After reaching this country he chai'ged that his official mail had been 
opened and read by the British censor at Durban. I introduced a resolution 
into Congress in the early part o£ January calling upon the State Depart- 
ment to know the truth or falsity of this charge, and asking if there was 
an understanding between Great Britain and the United States. The Pres- 
ident replied at once that he had no information about any official mall be- 
ing opened, and that there was no ti-eaty of alliance between this country 
and Great Britain. Mr. Macrum came to see me and exhibited, the envelopes 
and the mail which had been opened and read by the British censor. The en- 
velopes bore the Great Seal of the United States, and were marked "Offlcial 
Mail, United States Government." They had been^cutat one end, and the 
sticker of the British censor was on them, showing that they had beSn read 
by him. I made repeated efforts to proture an investigation of the truth 
or falsity df Macrum's charge. The resolution calling for an Investigation 
was held up for a month or more by the Speaker, who refused to appoint 
the proper committee for an investigation. A-fter much persuasion I finally 
got a hearing. The matter was referred to the Committee on Foreign, Re- 


- '• -. r- 

lations, aaa 1 had Mr. Macrum on haad to te.stify. He testified substantially 
a* above set out, and at tUe conclusion of tlie bearing, Mr. Hitt, the Chair; 
man o£ the Committee on Foreign Eelations, laid beiore me a written apqlr 
ogy from Salisbury, the British Premier, wbieh covered the opening and 
reading of the official mail of Mr. Macrum. This apology admitted the 
opening of the maU, and apologized for doing so, saying It bad been the ig- 
norance of the censor at Durban. The officials of the State Departmen);, 
had evidently had this apology for weeks and weeks, and were making every 
effort in their power to shield Salisbury and. Pauncefote from the humiliaj- 
tion of exhibiting an apology to the American people for opening <and read- 
ing their oiHcial mail. iVery truly yours, 
"(Signed) ,CHAS. K. WHEELEJB." 

Circulation of British Anti-Boer Documents From a Govern- 
ment Department, 

The most glaring case of unfriendliness of the administration towards the 
Boers, and its subserviency to Great Britain, eame to light in July when 
it was found that British publications against the Boers, full of malice and of 
detraction, were being circulated from the United States Bureau of Educa- 
tion by Government clerks, during office hours, among teachers, school su- 
perintendents and others connected with education in certain States where 
it was hoped that such pamphlets would excite prejudices against the Boeis. 
About four thousand copies of each of these documents, printed in London,- 
are known to have been sent out from the Bureau of Education through lists 
procured by reference to its records. How generally this prostitution of our- 
Government service to Great Britain has been is not known. The extent to 
wliich the Bureau of Education made itself useful is shown by the follow- 
irig facts: 

, Hon. John J. Lentz, a Eepresentative from Ohio, having read in the newsr 
pajJers that pro-British and anti-Boer documents were being thus circulated 
by a department oC this Government, called personally at the Bureau of 
. ricatlou and iuQuired for its head. Commissioner Harris. He was ia- 
imed that he was not in the city. He then asked for the Chief Clerk and shown to that official's room. He there found the Chief Clerk, Mr, 
■ icrce lA)viek, and asked him for information concerning the anti-Boer docr 
ument which had been sent out by the Bureau. He was informed that they 
had not begn sent out by the Bureau, but by a messenger in the Bureaii, 
frank Morrison. He then asked that Mr. Morrison be sent for. Mr. Mor- 
ilson came, and being questioned said he had sent the document out at the 
request of Commissioner Harris. Being asked if they had been sent out 
under frank, he said they had not, but had been sent out under postage 
stamps.' Being asked who furnislied tJae stamps, he said they were, fur- 
nished by Mrs. H. F. Hubby. He then asked to see Mrs. Hubby. She was 
sent for and he questioned her concerning the stamps, and by whom thejj 





' ~ 66, VlCXOmA STREET,, ,WES,JMINSTER/jt.'dNDpii-. 

> ' . IVesiilent— Th<!,^o^■(l^Il^•DSOR. '*• .; _ , , .... 

Clraimkn, of Gbnev:il- COninnrtoe-Slv. CEOFFREr bRAGE, MT- - .. : ,> 

.,- Treasurer-Mr; H. -E. M BO.UilKE. , . , Secfolary— Mr. M. HANWifUi^a-, ,;. - 

-' QBJECIS.^To upliold BntiBti'sWrciiiacy.aiid to' promote ffie ■interests of 'British '.. 
subjects ill Soiith, AM,ca, With; fall recognition o£ Colonial self-gbverhra^nt. ' : 

METHObS.-Tlia work of fW AsscjCiatioit consists in placing before the countiy t»e 
fullest- information upoa tbe,\|xoIitical, ';cbiaine)-cial and pther . questions wBich, affect 
the various peoples and commnnities in Sorilh Africa. ^' J.-. ' '..-■'. 

■ This work will be performed, by, the publication' aijd;di5,tributioh of pamphlet^- ana . 

.le.aflets, and by organising iJubft'crmeeiingSi,- ttesemeetings will Jie addressed by spe^ers 

-either persdiiallyactiuaintea.with.Sbuth African affairs or who have ma'de, them the , sulyect! 

of their special, study,- ' ; ,; ' - ' ■' ' • r ", '", - ■• 

; '■ ^^-GENERAL COj/IMITTEE. ■ ■ \:-j ' ' ' , V-. 

'0«tai'iuit;cigh Clave, Esq, M.P, 

ThcDtiVBofUrgyll, K.T: ':, '^. i 

Tlie Uuke of Iiccds.~ - i,"V'' 

.'flie^OiikCiOf SuUierI:iii<!. ;\': )■ 

Jiarl of Denbigh and Dtsinoiul. ' .:;i ',, 
.IJarPFiiigallj , y' -,' '•; '. V^ 

Karl of Mayo. , ', ^ V ' - ,' '_y, 

']>iirI*M<;xljoroii^h. -' ' ■ --"■ 

;, i'arl Scarliofough. ,' , ->~ *' .' 

"Karl 'of Warwick. ■ 

Viscount Coke. •, , , " ' 

Viscduiit Sanddri, M.P. ' 

f jord Coimemara. , 

•■Lord IMiburton, G.C.B. 

T.otd Emiry. . ,' , '» * ■•', , ' 

I^tOrdsLccpnlield. ' .' 

Lord Balearres, M.P. 
' Admiral Lord Charles Bercsford, M.P. 

J.ptdE Talbot,'. M.P. ' , ' • ' 

■Rtefit.Hon. E. Carson, aC;, AI.P. 

Kjjlit Hon: A. II. Smiih-Bi\rry,,k:P. 
, Hon. A. B. Bathurst, M.P. ' - ; 
' Hon; H. JDaocoH^be, M.P. ' 

Hon. A. I-yttlcton/.M.P. 
vMon.'J. W. Scatt-Montagu, M.P. *: i , 

Colonel Hon. G; Kapicr. , ,, ,," \ "' 
^Hon„VV;F. 1). Siiiith,-M.P. ' \, '--■ 

H(>ii. R. G. Veniov. M.P. 
iHon.K. Ward, M'.P. , ,. -, 

Sir W. Cameron Gull, Bart.,, M.P. , ' ': 

Sir W. U. Porter, Bart. „ , ' ■ 

Sir Edward Sassoon, Bart!, M.P. ' 

Admiral Sir J. E. Conimerell, V.C,- G.C.B. 
'"&c^a-4 H'.- McCalmont, C,B, 
J0ehel-,arSir,-3. Bevan Edward's,' K.C.M.G. 

Sir Wihiam Arrol, M.P. _ -^. ■ 

Sir H. H, Bemrose^JM.P. ,' 
'feirW T. Doxford, M:P: . 
■ SlrjVlfred.nickrnaii, M.P. ' 

Sir li, S. Kini>; K.C.lE,. M.P. - 

Sir .Alex. Macilonald (Ex-I;ord Provost of 
- E'dmburgli). 

Sir H. M. Stanlev, G.C.B., M.P. 

-Sir John WillOx.'M.P. 

A. Brassey, Esq;, M.P. 

1C. W. Beckett, Esq., M.P. ,|i, 

E. Boulnois, Esq., M.P. 

ll. F. Bo\vle«, Esq., M.P. 
, A. G.'Boscawen, Esq., M.P. 

J.-G. Butcher; Es'ti., U-C , M.P! 
' VVaUerU:Cailile,«sq, M.P. ' 

EVelyn'Cecll, I!sq.,:M.P. 

Colonel J. MdA. Kenny, M.P. 

,1a. A. Gonldins, Esq., M.P. 
'' Walford D. Green, E?q., M.P. 
' J. Grcttou. Esq:, M.P._ 

0. Keml), Esq.VM-P- r 

H.-Kimber, Esq.,M.P.-' 

I\ W. J.owc, Esq., M.P. " 

•.l.'Lowles.-Esq., M.P. 

Ian Malcolm, Esq., M.P. 
, II. II. Marks, Esq., M.P. ' ' " 
„ J. T. Middlcmore, Esq., H._P. 
i ' Colonel Vietor'Mdwai'd.,M.P. 

E.,R. P31oon, Esg-.'M.P.' 
. ' C:.I.. (3i^r-Ewing:„E9q.„,M.P.- 
■F. A.Jvlewdisaie, Esq., il.P. 

J.M.PaultohVE.sq:, M.P. 

- "H.PikcPease. Esq., M.P.; 

- (>. UnvPym.,EMi., M.P. 

.1. A. Kcntoiii, Esq., IXC, MP, 
, II. C- Richards., Esq, Jl.l'. 
General Russell, M.E. 
II. S. Samuel, Esq., M.P. 
' II.Selon-Karr, Esq., M.P. 
PvM- Thonitoa,.E^q.,'M.P. 
' ,'J,. L. VVanklyn,.Esq., M.P. 
•V A. E. Warr, Esq.„iM,P 
G. W.-Wom',-Esq.,M.P. . 
N. D'Arcy Wynll, Esq., M.P. ' 
Canon Knox Little. 
G. .A i-nistroiia:; i?sq. 
C. Kiiilo'ch Cftokc, Esq. 
Edward Dicey, Esq., C.B. 
W. H.Grcnfell.Esq.' - 
,11. l^ider Haggard, Esq. 
■ ■■•A.' Hacrasworth; G^q. ' 
.,;.,V'. Iloi'sley.EsqiF.RS. 
' '\ F, J. Wodtton Isaacson, Esq. 
Capt.W- James; ' 

Andrew Jamtson, Esq.j Q,C. 
A. Weston J.arvis, Esq. 
A. 11. KSene, Esq.. PJi.C.S. 
Rudyard Kipling, Esq. 
-iJ.'V W. Macabster, Esq 
■ T; MiHer Maguire, Esq., LLD. 
E. A. Maund, Esq. 
EdvKird.Tcnnant, Esq. 
,i' C. F.Tainton, Esq. 
' A. De Sales 'I'nrljind, Esq 
•. W. A. :<Vills; Esq. , , 

HisE.xcellenc^ Su- Oi.ivkrMowat, G:C.M,G,, P,C,, Lieut^-nftnt^GovctnOrtif Onl.iri. 
mn. .?ir JoiiN Hali. K.C.M.G., Cantctbury,'Nc\v Zealand. 


£, B..O.sier,-Esq.M.P. 

Dr., M.P. (Cliairmaii). ' ' 
, W C. Edwards, Esq , M.P. (Treasufcr). , 

Sir Jiihn Boiirmoi, K.C.^1 G., Cleik of 
Parliament (Hon. Sccvctar^.). 

N, A. Iklcom-*, J;.sq.; M.P. • 
' R. I,. Bovdeii.Esq. U.C, MP,' > 

Hewitt Bostock, Esq , M,P. 

L P. Ijroilcnr, Etq , SIP. (Dop\il\ Sprakcr 

, ofihe Ilonsc 01 CnmmoiJsj. 

A,Miic>;ciil, Esq,M.P. - ,. 

Raymond Pr£lontninc. Esq, 'Q C ■ MP. 

V (Mayor of Montreal). ,■::.• 

Ross Robertson, Esq., M.P. ' ; 

B. Rnssell, Esq., (I.e., M.P. . . 

J. G. Rutherford, l>sq;, M.P. 

lion Senator .Vlati- 

Hon, Seiiator, Sir Jqbir Carliny, K,C M O 

p.c. ' , " ■■■ ■■ \ ■- 

Hon, Senator Drummoird.' i : . 

AH those in sympathy with the objects of the Association are invited to send in their names 
', 1 to the Secretary. Contributions ynay be .forwarded to the Treasurer. 


were f urnlshied. She said Commissioner Harris liad left with, her the money 
for jthe stamps. Being asljed how much money he left, she replied "Eighty 
dollars." Upon being asked if all the money was used, she replied, "No." 
She said there were "twenty-eight left." Being asked "twenty-eight what?" 
she replied "twenty-eight cents." fehe said the stamps u.sed were two-cent 
stamps. She stated that Mrs. R. Ji. Foote, who was a clerk in the Divi- 
sion of Arts and Art Schools had furnished slips containing the addresses 
to which the documents wei'e to be sent. She informed Mr. 'Lentz that the 
names of the persons connected with education in the various States and 
counties were alphabetipally arranged on cards after the manner of library 
cards, so that the names could readily be .found for any State or County. 

Durihg the interview Mr. Lentz asked the Chief Clek, ^r. Loviek, if he could 
furnish him with a set of the documents in^ question. He replied that he 
could not, as they had all been sent out, except a single set wliich had been 
furnished to Representative James D. Richardson, the Chairman, of the Dem- 
ocratic Congressional Committee, at his request. Mr. Richardson has perpiit- 
ted the compiler of this book to use the copy of thie principal one of these 
British pamphlets for the purpose of having- the accompanying lithograplis made 
from it: 

The first Is the title page of the pamphlet. 
■ .TEe second is printed on the inside o. this title page. It will be found to con- 
tain 'a highly interesting , array of the British nobility and others who con- 
stitute the committee of 'this "Imperial South African Association." The 
reader will observe near the top of No. 2 the objects of this association. They 
afe "to uphold British supremacy and to promote the interests of British sub- 
jects in Soutli Africa." i 

These *documents would not have been circulated so industriously by our 
Educational Bureau if its chief had not been fully satisfied that the Presi- 
dent' was anxious to aid in upholding British supremacy in South Africa and 
wherever else it chooses to assert^ Itself. , 

But at the bottom of No. 2 will be found the most important of the objects 
for which tliis association is in existence, j't is the request that all thoge in 
sympathy with British supremacy send their names to the Secretary, and the 
additional suggestion that "contributions may be forwarc^-d to the Treasurer." 
Our Educational Bureau has collected at considerable trouble the names of 
all persons who are closely connected with educational interests in this 
country. It was among these persons that the "Imperial South African Asso- 
ciation" Thought it desirable to circulate British documents against the Boers. 
Those who received the i->amphlet by forwarding their names to the Sec- 
retary would enable that offlcer to address them individual requests for con- 

The pamphlet contains 36 pages. The last page contains the terms of the 
eettlffffient of the Ti-ansvaal War 'proposed by this "Imperial South Africaa 


Association" of.lioudon. The first of these terms is as follows: 

"The two republics must be permanently and cbippletely incorporated in 
the British Empire under the Union Jack." 
The third of these terms reads as follows: -y 

"There must be absolute equality in a\L matters, civil and religious, be- 
tween all white men." 

The attention of the OiTil Service Commission is called to the fact that 
while our own 'government refuses to aUow the departments to be used in 
'American politics, the administration permits their use in British jwlitics. 




Senator Hale, of Maine, a Republican of ^recognized ability and many years' 
service in Congress, spoke thus of the condition of affairs in Cuba in a colloquy 
witli Senator Spooner on the floor of the Senate on the 23d of la?t May:" 

"Mr. HALE. The Senator has more confidence than I have in the experi- 
ment we are trying to-day of teaching to the people of Cuba honesty and good 
government and good management and good affairs. I do not sympathize with 
him in the belief that this people has gained anything thus far in what it 
has taught the Cubans. I thinls; we would have been better off if we had not 
taught the Cubans the lesson that has been taught in the last few months. 

"Mr. SPOONER. What lesson? 

"Mr. HALE. The lesson of fraud, peculation, appropriation of revenues, 
cheating, stealing— a carnival in every direction of corruption and fraud. I 
think it wotlld have been very much better if we had not taught those people 
or tried to teach those people this. * * * 

"Mr. HALE. I do not recognize any line of fealty to party obligations that 
compels me to conseflt to the proposition that everything has gone right in 


"Mr. SPOONER. Nobody pretends it. 

"Mr. HALE. I think the experiment has' been a failure. I would vote to- 
morrow, Republican or Democrat, to withdraw from Cuba and leave that 
people to establish and set up and maintain their own- government. I would 
keep the proposition that was put into the declaration of war and leave the 
people there, and there is nothing that has happened since that' goes to remove 
that impression from me. I do not undwstand that that is a question of party 


"I tell the Senator that he has no right, when I get up and protest against 
things that have occurred, to declare that I am making 9. Democratic speech. 
I am^making a Republican speech, and the time will come, Mr. President, wbe^ 
Repnulicans will be glad if we get out of this thing without worse things hap- 
pening than are happening now. In what I say I am more interested for the 
^Republican party than I am for anything else, • * • - - 


"Mr. HALE. Now, let me say to the Senator I think there are very power- 
ful influences in this counh-y; I think they are largely located in New York 
City; I think they are largely speculative and connected with money-making 
enterprises that are determined that we shall never give up Cuba. I think 
there is a dangerous cloud in the sky; I think the time will never come, unless 
something earnest and drastic is done by Congress, when the last soldier of 
the United States will be withdrawn from Cuban soil. I do not think the 
President favors that. 

"Mi. SPOONEE, Favors what? 

"Mr. HALE. Holding on to Cuba. I do not think the Secretary of War 
favors that. I discover (and the Senator has different apprehensions from 
mine if he does not discover) very powerful influences — commercial, mercan- 
tile, money influences, and political influences— that are opposed to our ever 
wlthdracwiofi from Cuba.'^ 



' IN CUBA. ■,.!;■ 

The extravagance, mismanagement and maladnoinistration of the fiscal af- 
fairs of Cuba by the agents of Prreldent McKinley are but partly disclosed 
by the reports to Congress in sqpsponse lo resolutions of inquiry addressed tp 
the S'eci'etary of War. The Inquiries of Congress were responded to by tTie 
transmission of several detached communications presenting an account of 
the receipts and expenditures of the revenues of Cuba in such form as no re- 
sponsible business house vi^ould think of accepting as an account from an 

The communications of the Secretary of War showed that the Cuban reve- 
nues from all sources amounted to $16,340,015.17 during the period firom Jan. 
1, 1899, to Dec. 31, 1899, and that the total disbursements during the same 
period amounted to $14,085,805.32, leaving a balance of $2,260,209.85. 

The detailed statement of how this nspney was expended tiresents a most 
ex;trhordinai-y account. 

Under the general heading of "Sanitation" is an item of ?3, 032,282.94, with ' 
no further information as to how that amount was eipendccl in "sanitation.". 

Under the head of '■Miscellaneous" is an item of $640,329.48. 

In general terms, "Civil Government" is put down at a cost of $345,479.05 
to the Cuban revenues; and "Municipalities" at a cost of $1,239,403.65. 

Throughout the accounts the expenditures are stated in bi'oad and liberal 
terms. ' 

The condensed statement of expenditures is as follows: 


Barracks and quarters .: ?1,2R9.9.^D.43 

Sanitation 3,052,28'i^94 

Eumr police and administration. ...." -. 1,445,467.21 

rublic works, ports, etc 700,126.01 

Cliarlties and hospitals ' 623,783.53 

Miscellaneous (includes internal revenue to June 30) 640,329.48 

Civil government ■ 345,479.05 

Municipalities l,:i.';i).40o,i"o », 

Ala to destitute '. «. _. 229,912.87 

Quarantine "l 150,gl3.9t) 

Customs service ^.. 810,S02.31 


State ancF government 600,334.04 

Justice and public instruction 789,897.29 

Finance i 542,412.83 

Agriculture 347,516.93 

Postal service 634,929.10 

Auditor's and treasurer's offices 206,397.38 

Census 357,977.37 

Total 14,085,805.S2 

In the statements in detail there is a similar liberal use of general terms to 
cover vast expenditures, and some of the items of interest are curiously desig- 
nated. General headings cover very large amounts. 

The statement of the disbursements by'E. G. Rathbone, Director-General of 
Posts of Cuba, stkrts off with an item: 

Miscellaneous $49,544.80 

The next entry is: 

Salaries— Department of Posts.". $219,087.91. 

lii separate items are charged the salaries of clerks in the post offices, 
of postDjasters, of railway postal clerks and of letter carriers. What par- 
ticular salai^ies were paid with the two hundred and nineteen thousand dol- 
lars is not explained. ■ i 

The charge for furniture is twenty thousand some hundred dollars, while 
"rent" is charged with over eleven thousand dollars. 
Another entry is: 

i'er diem $17,313.39. 

One of the charges under which Mr. Rathbone was recently arrested was 
that of tampering with the "per diom" account of the "department of posts." 
Mr. Rathbone's carriage, harness 'and equipment, costing $3,105.26, was 
paid for out of the Cuban revenues. His account also carries an item of 
$36,031.40 for "building and repairs."' His private residence was fitted up 
^and furnished in elegance at the expense of the poor Cuban government. His 
statement of account shows an expenditure of $612,290.38 for the year ending 
, December 31st, 1S09. 

Under the heading of "Charities and Hospitals," another department of this 
benign government, there is an item: 

Ammunition $16,160.91. 

The total expenditure under this head of charities and hospitals was, from 
July 1st to December 31st, 1809, in rouud numbers two hundred and sixty-two 
thousand dollars, yet the only items covering relief to the sick or needy are: 

Disinfectants $37.55 

Provisions ; . . 55,524.01 

Post mortem 150.00 

Clothing 1 2,712.21 

Medicine 5,024.30 

Medical and surgical supplies 5,473.36 

Supplies 1,543.21 


A-lcI to hospital 4,123.13 

Aid to orplians 3,789.83 

■Laundry 54.92 

Medica] examinations 294.00 

Burial expensfts »». 51.1T 

Uations 3,713.95 

This aggregate of less than tw(-inty-nine thousand dollars leaves a balance 
of' about two hundred and thiny-four thousand as the expense of admin- 
istering the iess than , twenty-nine thousand dollars' worth of charity. 

Under the head of "Ban-acks and Quartfers," the expenditures for the period 
from July 1st to December 31st, amounted to over six hundred thousand dol- 
lars. It includes an item of $202,376.55 for "material." The -rent of officers' 
quarters is something over nineteen thousand dollars, and then there is a 
"lient, miscellaneous," amounting to forty-one thousand dollars. 

Under the head of "Civil Government"— distinct from "charities"— there Is 
an item of twenty thousand dollars for "provisions," and of seven .hundred, and 
ten dollars for "clothing." 

There is another account, under the heading of "Aid to the Destitute," where 
clothing, provisions and medicines are provided for. 

Under the head of "Sanitation," the salaries are $109,539 and the labor paj 
roll .'s givtm in a lump sum of ?8S0,799.79. There is also an item of "Mate- 
rial, $339,CS5.10." A hundred and twenty-six thousand dollars is charged to 
"property," and thirty-eight thousand to "Keal jEstate." 

Commenting on this account, the New York Tribune (stalwart Republlcaa), 

The espendttures on tbis account during the six montlis ended Decemlrer 31, 18D9, 
amounted to $1,382,197.87, of whieh the sum of $880,799.79 was expended for ''sanita- 
tion." If the men who didthe worli were destitute, unemployed, and unskilled, it ia 
not po.saible that they received more than $1 (gold) each for a day's work, and at that 
rate it would have required 8,744 men working all day and every day except Sundays 
during that period to earn $1,382,197.87, and it would have taken 5,577 men working all 
day and every day except Sundays from the morning of January 1 to the night of De- 
cember 31 'to earn the sum of $8S0,77Q charged to labor under the head of "sanitation." 

The salaries charged against the Cuban revenue for sis months covered by 
the account, under the head of "Rural Guard and Administration," are, in 
a lump sura, $417,813.73, while there is a "pay roll" of twenty-seven thousand 
dollars. The items of "Material" and of "Property" appear m this account 
also, one for nearly eight thousand dollars and the other for over eleven 
thousund dollafs. 

The grand total of salaries, not including labor pay roll, which in the san- 
itation department alone amounted to above $880,000, amounts to $3,122,052.06, 
during the period from July to December, 1899, in all the departments and 
from January to June in some of them. This does not Include extra allow- 
ance Of salaries to army officers, which was made without authority of law. 


Between July 1st and December 31st, 1899, extra salartes were paid to army ' 
officers out of the Cuban revenues, amounting to 57,799.40. 

Major-General Broolse received, in August, $625; in November, |1,25§; m 
November again, $625; in December, $416.66. 

Brig.-Goneral William Ludlow received in eacb of the month.?, August, 
September, October, November and December, the extra salarjr of $41^.66/ 
Colonel Bliss and Major Ladd each got extra compensation, the former $$8iO0 
and the latter $300. 

General Chaffee was allowed $5,000 for quarters, and shai-ed the build- 
ing with some other officers, not named in the report. An allowance of 
$3,600 was made for the "commanding officer's quarters." 

TEe "miscellaneous" items are a feature of the accounts of the several' 
branches of the government in Cuba. Each account has a miscellaneous itemj 
and then there is a special "miscellaneous" account, amounting to $109,643.38,'-' 
In which occur, "miscellaneous salaries $27,000;" "miscellaneous rent, $14,006," 
and simply "miscellaneous, $572," aiid an item of $11,775 for repairs to thd- 
quarters of the captain of the port. ' ■ ' 

In addition to entries for "repairs of highways," ''repairs of buildings" and 
other repairs, the character of whicfi is designated, the following entries are' 
made in the accounts oif the various departments: 

"Repairs, $3,886.58;" "Repairs, $7,735.65;" "Repairs, $92,565.05;" "Repairs,;; 
$8,S75.41;"' "Repairs, $817.65;" "Repairs, $20,194.88;" "Repairs, $6,02T.C^;"- 
"Repairs, $53,730.16;" "Repairs, $2,055.63." 

Under the simple entry "Material" there are more than fifty' items, amoiig 
which are the following: ' 

"Material," $49,425.52; "Material," $35,615.79; "Material," $202,376.55; "Ma- 
terial," $339,685.10. Under the heading of "Department of Justice -and Pub- 
lic Instruction" there are thirteen entries under the general term "Material." 

Among the items of expenditure there are several entered as deficits. One 
of these under the heading of "Department of State and Government," is: 
"Deficits, $35,175.47."^ 

Another entry which frequently occurs in the accounts is: "Eventual ex- 
penses." One entry under this designation is for $31,236.25. 

In the depai-tment of posts of Cuba flagrant frauds were discovered early 
in May, 1900, resulting in the araest of C. F. W. Neeley, at the time, and 
of E. G. Rathbone, "Director General of Posts of Cuba," on the 27th or 
28th of August. . - 

Fourth Assistant Postmaster General Bristow, who was sent to CuW to 
make an investigation, aifter the arrest of Neeley, submitted his report to 
the Post Office Department the last weeli in July and upon this report was 
based the arrest of E. G. Rathbone. Jlr. Bristow was unable to determine 
how extensive the frauds and embezzlements were, but his report thus sum- 
marizes those by Neelev, as a "minimum;" 


Shortage as shown by his own recprds 30.600.73 

Excess of credit by desiruciion of surcharged stamps definitely asceriuined. . 101,113.10 

Total 131,713.89 

This will be increased by the cllscorery of additional sales of .surcharged stamps, bu. 
will not exceed .fl50,000 in the aggregate. 
An Interesting compilation has been made from Neely's cash boolt. It shows: 

(■^ash received frotfi all sources $."j.30,7," 

Cash accounted for 431,481. 17 

Leaving a cash shortage of 119,278.48 

Tlie report given out in summary form by tlie Post Office Department at 
Wasbington says Neeley's 

Cash books do not show an accurate amount of cash received, because tlTere is 
evidence that he did not enter on his .books all tlie cash received from unbonded post- 
masters. The first computation is considered the most reliable estimate of Neely's 
embezzlements that can be arrived at. Numerous exhibits are submitted with the 
report relating to Neely's financial transactions in detail. i 

Director General Eathbone appointed C. F. VV. Neely, chief (^ the Burdau of Finance, 
who had custody of the stamps; W. H. Beeves, assistant auditot' for the Island of Cuba, ' 
the only man who could in any way have had a check upon Neely's transactions, and D. 
Marfleld, chief of the Bureau of Registration, as a commission to destroy the sur- 
charged stamps. Neely and Reeves entered into a conspiracy to report a larger quan- 
tity of stamps destroyed thap were actually destroyed and thereby defraud the Cuban 

Neely's fraudulent transactions, howe+er, were not confined to embezsilements only, 
and while the amounts thus received by him were sniall as compared ]\ith tl^e outright 
embezzlements, yet they, show the same olflcial depravity and utter disregard for the 
Interests of the public service. 

With reference to tlie conduct of Director-General of Posts Ratlibone, 
the report says that on "December 21, 1898, E. G. Rathbone was 
appointed director general of posts. His salary was fixed at ?J:,CO0 per 
annum. At his earnest request \he Postmaster General on January 30, 
1809, allowed him $5 per diem for expenses in addition to his salary. Later 
on he claimed his salary and per diem were not sufficient, and on June 
19 the I'ostmaster General wrote iiim that his salary should he increased to 
.$6,500 per annum, and that, 'with the compensation fixed at $G.5O0, the per 
diem of $3 would cease.' On July 3, in answer to this letter, Eathbone, in a 
complaininfv way, stated that this increased his salary but ?G75 and inclicated 
a very earnest desire that a house be furnished him as an official, residence. ; 

In reply to this letter the Postmaster General on July 7 wired him: "Will make full 
allowance for house besides salary," and on the SthVrote: "This means that it is our 
purpose that provision shall be made for a suitable residence for you over and above 
the fixed compensation of .fe.BOO." 

"On December 19 the Po.stmaster General issued the order fixing the sal- 
ary at $6,riO0, making it effective August 1. The salary of the director gen- 
eral^ therefore, was from August 1, 1899, ifG.SOO per annum, without per diem. 
In addition to the salary he was provided with a house. The records of the 
Department of Posts show that he continued to draw $.5 per diem in addition 
tp the ?6,50<J as salary, and when called upop by Colonel Buvtoo for bis au- ' 


thority for this allowance submitted the letter, suppressing that part of It 
prohibiting the per diem. In closing the discussion as to per diem the re- 
port says: 

It afpears, therefore, that Director General EathbODe drew, from August 1, 1899, to 
April 30, 1900, the sum of ?l,36o as a per diem, which was unauthorized, and that the 
drawing of the same was fraudulent, and I, therefore, recommend tflat he be requited 
to reimburse the postal revenues of Cuba in that amount. 

Improper Personal Expenses. 

"In the bills rendered for the purchase of furniture for the official residence 
there appear mafly items that wei'e paid for from tlie postal revenues that 
cannot be considered as house furniture. Among these items are charges for 
a trunk, gloves, dog collar, overcoat, -hats fpr coachman, boots for coachman, 
boots for footman, shirts, collars and cuffs for coachman, etc. One item was 
for a pair of 'jip-a-jap'. gloves for coachman, $12. This item must liave been 
,0116 of those incurred^for the purpose of upholding the dignity of a repre- 
sentiitive of the United States Government. Under what authority of law 
these expenses for clothing were made, I am unable to state. Director Gen- 
eral Rathbone claimed that it was the custom of all countries that high offi- 
cials should be furnished with such attendants, and that they should be 
clothed at the expense pf the pubUc revenues." 

The report of Mr. Bristow charges that fraudulent duplicate wairants were 

drawn by Mr. Rathbone, and that the Cuban revenues were used by him to 

pay traveling expenses of himself and family between Cuba and the United 

States, and hotel bills in the United States, and the expenses of trips talien 

by him within the United States on private business. The report further says: 

There were many large expenditures by Rathbone and Neely for which no vouchers 
were filed, when vouchers could have been easily obtained. These expenditures were 
usually made by Neely and approved by Rathbone. Assistant Auditor Reeves, when 
asked why he passed such expense accounts, stated that he did not feel that he had 
the right to refuse to allow that, which the director general of posts had ordered paid— 
a statement which, if true, indicates that he had no conception of the duties and respon- 
Bibilities of an accounting office^. The report says: ■ "I do not credit Reeves' state- 
ment, however. The evidence is too strong of collusion existing between Neely, Rath- 
bone and Reeves for the purpose of passing these unwarrantd expense accounts." For 
some months such miscellaneous expenditures aggregated as much as ?S50. Such items 
as "repairs, $200;" "freight, $450;" "miscellaneous expenses, $78," appear, without 
any receipts or accompanying vouchers whatever. Director General Rathbone, on beiag 
asked as to these iMlsccllaueous expenditures, said that he supposed Neely was honest 
and that the accounts were right, and he therefore ordered them paid. 

The New Yorli Tribune's review at the expenditures in Cuba says with 
reference to the postal service: 

Take the postal service, for example, which Is carried on under the magnificent and 
Imposing name of "department of posts," under an oflacial described by the equally 
magnificent and imposing title of "director general of posts." Plain "director of pqsts" 
was not dignified enough, and so the "general" was added— whereupon the official who 
bore it Immediately proceeded to sus'tain his new dignity by adding to his otflcial stalE 
and raising their salaries, and having his own Increased to a sum which, together with 
.his other oflicial, "perquisites," made a total exceeding the official salary of the Post- 
master General of the United States. ' 


He also set up a carriage at a cost of several thousand dollars for the first year— to 
tbe revenues of Cuba— and his "miscellaneous" official expenditures jumped from g^out 
. J5,000 in the first half of last year to nine times that sum in the second half. The com- 
bined salaries of himself and the clerks and other employes in his office amounted to 
more fhan $219,000 last year, whlcli was al)Out $47,000 more tlian all the public-school 
teachers in the Island received, and nearly twice as much as was paid' in salaries in the 
department of agriculture and public works, and salaries there were on a generous. 
scale. No wonder that the expenditures for salaries under the "director-general of 
ppsts" were classified by both the military governor and the auditor of the island a? 
"extraordinary espendltures."- 



Nullification of the Constitution— Imperialism Applied, 

The policy of protectioa to American interests tias hitherto been under- 
stood to be directed against undue competition of foreign products with domes- 
tic products. It originated with a professed desire to build up "infant in- 
dustries," and retard foreign competition with them by the imposition of high 
duties. When the infant should become a man he was to be left to the 
protection of only such duties as would neutralize the lesser cost of foreign 

We now hare the spectacle of a trust, more powerful than the govern- 
ment, compelling the President and Congress to change legislation already 
formulated, and pending in Congress, for contrary and unconstitutional leg- 
islation to protect by a duty the sugar trust against domestic trade in sugar 
between Porto Rico and other portions of the United States. 

■Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands became a part of the United States 
on the 11th of April, 1899, on which date ratifications were exchanged oif the 
treaty of peace with Spain, which ceded these islands to the United States. 
To the extent that Spain was then sovereign in those islands the United 
States became sovereign from and after that date. The rights to be en- 
joyed by the people of these new acquisitions depend upon the Constitution 
of the United States, the laws made in pursuance thereof, and the treaties 
made under the authority of the United States. When, therefore, the treaty 
with Spain provided in Article IX that the "civil rights and political status of 
the native inhabitants hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined 
by the Congress," it did not enlarge the powers of Congress, nor liberate either 
Congress or the President from any restraint imposed upon them by the Con- 
stitution. The powers of Congress Include the power to legislate for the 
government of territories, and the prohibitions upon Congress for the pro- 
tection of the civil rights of the people, extend to all persons within the juris- 
diction of the United States; these prohibitions can no more be affected by 
a treaty than they can be by an act of Congress. The bill of rights con- 
tained in the 10 Articles of Amendment to the Constitution is for all the 
people pf thQ United States. What it forbids Congress to do is of universrt 


application. Legislation is necessary for the enforcement of some of these 
rights, but legislation which denies any of them anywhere is void because re- 
pugnant to the Constitution. lu the treaties by which the territories of 
Louisiana, Florida, New Mexico, California and Utah were acquired, as- 
surances were given for the future of the inhabitants, having reference to 
their political status; but in the present case no such pledges were made on 
behalf of the native inhabitants, that subject being left to Congress; if our 
Paris Commissioners supposed, however, that therefore they were buying th.e 
Philippine Islands and Porto Rico merely as outlying real estate, or plan- 
tations for sale or to let, and that their inhabitants were to be our subjects 
as the inhabitants of British India are the subjects of the Empire of Great 
Britain, they placed themselves in direct antagonism to the Supreme Court 
of the United States in the ease of Loughboropgh vs. Blake. The opinion of 
Chief Justice Marshall in that case contains the following language which 
no man can misunderstand: « 

■ThR eighth section o( the first article gives to Congress the "power to lay and collect 
ta^es, duties, imposts, and excises," for the purposes therelaofter mentioned. Tliis 
grapt is general, without limitation as to place. It consequently extends to all places 
over which the Government extends. If this could be doubted, the doubt is removed 
by the subsequent words which modify the grant. These words are, "but all duties, 
Imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." It will not be 
contended that the ipodiflcation of the power extends tp places to wliich the power itself 
does not extend. The power, then, to lay and polleet duties, imposts, and excises may 
fie exercised and must be exercised throughout the United States. Does this term 
designate the whole pr any particular portion, of the American empire? Certainly this 
question can admit of but one auswer. It is the name given to our great Republic, 
wMch is composed of States and Territories. The District of Columbia, or the terri- 
tory west of the Missouri, is not less within the United States than Maryland or Penn- 
sylvania; and it is not less necessary, on the principles of our Constitution, that nri- 
formlty in the Imposition of imposts, iiuties, and excises should be observed in the one 
than in the other. 

The Constitutional clause forbidding unequal taxation Is as vital and im-" 
portant a prohibition upon Congress aS any one contained ia the first 10 
Amendments to the Oonstitutiou. What autliorlty is there for singling out cer- 
tain prohibitions upon Congress and saying that they apply to the terri- 
tories, while Qthers do not? It is but a few years since North and South Da- 
kota, Montana, Idaho, Washington, Wyoming and Utah, now States. in the 
Union, vrere mere territories. What would have been said if Congress had 
asserted ihe^ower to collect duties in these territories upon their coramcrcfe 
wffh the f?i:ates of the Union or with each other, and what would have been 
said if Congress had undertaken to &x duties on imports from these ferri- 
tgries into States of the Union? The answer would have been found in the 
lansuage of Chief Justice Mar.shall, above quoted. How exactly applicable 
It is to this "Porto Riciin question. 

lu Chapter XV of this volume will be found many decisions by the Su- 
preme. Court of the Unitccl States that stand as .t barrier against this new 
Tv'ronch which Rnpublicnu statesmen seek to give to the Constidation of the 


United Slates to justify the oppression of tlie people who inhabit the ne-wly 
acquired territories. _, ..^ • ■ 

The Porto Rico tariff is in direct opposition tO' the following recommenda- 
,t!on made by' Secretary of War Root^o thd"Presid'eiit in his last annual re- 

The highest consiaeratlons of justice and good faith demand that we should not dis- 
appoint the confident expectation of sharing in our prosperity with which the people 
of Porto Eico so gladly transferred their allegiance to the United States, and that we 
should treat the interests of this people as our own; and I wish most strongly to urge 
that the customs duties between Porto Eico and the United States be removed. 

Secretary Root found an enthusiastic supporter in the President, who, In 

hi.^ annual message, said: 

'The markets of the United States should be opened up to her (Porto Kico) products. 
Our plain duty is to abolish all customs tariffs between the Unites States and Porto 
Eico and give her products free access to our marlie'ts. 

The House Committee on Ways and Means reported in favor of these rec- 

Porto Eico had been devastated by a terrific hurricane. Brigadier-General 1 
Davis, our Military Governor there, made a report of its destructive worlc, ' 
and made these suggestions: 

'•The measures of relief I have had suggested to me, and which I deemof 
sufBcifnt importance to SJubmit to the Government at Washington, are: 'The. 
removal of all duties on trade between the United States and this island; , ■ 
the authorisation by the Washington Government of the issue by the In- 
sular authorities of interest-bearing notes in . small denominations to the 
amount of ten millions, the notes representing money, to be loaned solely on 
landed security to the extent of 30 or 40 per cent, of the value of the 
same, and no note to be issued save where a first mortgage on the land is 
behind it' " 

This last recommendation was a method frequently resorted to by the 
Porto Kicans, always with success, and always followed by the faithful pay- 
ment of the oblig-ations. There was no recommendation that the United 
States should guarantee the loan. This was wholly unnecessary. All the 
people wanted was the right to borrow upon their property from willing 

Before reciting what was finally done, let us see who the people were In 
whose behalf General Davis, Secretary Root, President McKinley and the 
House Committee on Ways and Means recommended at first that they should 
be allowed their legal right to freely engage in .commerce with other ports o£ 
the United States, and not be subjected to customs duties as though they were 
in a foreign country. The following account of them Is from the speech of 
the Honorable Charles E. Littlefield, a distinguished Republican Representa- 
tiv.'i from JIaine: 

I desire, thout repeating It now, to incorporate In my remarks In the Eecord the 
jnagnlflcent ^nd cameo-like description of this beautiful Island gifen by the distin- 

ponTO RICO. 165 

gulshed gentleman from New York when he made his speech on Monday last. I Incor- 
porate that In my Mpeeeh because ! cannot Improve upon it: 

'"The Island of Porto lllcoj with lithleh the bill deals, is one of the rldhest islands ot 
the Vv'est Indies, a small i^l^fi_^,^pqut.^^^O miles in length juid 40 miles. ia width. In tlie 
form of a parallelogram, running east and west, with a rhoimtain range running along 
the center, some 3,000 feet high at the summit, and cultivated from the summit clear 
down to the seashore, with level lands along the line of the sea at the foot of the hills 
averaging in width from nothing to Ave miles, on which sugar is raised, the higher lands 
, adjoining fitted for the cultivation of tobacco and pasturage, and t'ho higher lands of 
the mountains on which coffee is cultivated, it is- said to be the most densely popu- 
lated of auj land in the whole world." 

It is inhabited by about 1,000,000 people. Seventy thousand of them are darlc-skinned 
people; 100,000 of them are of mixed blood; 830,000 of those living upon that island are 
white, Caucasian people, made up of Spanish, French, Italian, Portuguese, English; 
American, Scdtch, and Irish. Its area is about 8,650 square mileB, giving, say, 273 
persons to the square mile. 

The island has a property valuation of one hundred and sixty to one hundred and 
eighty million dollars. Before our flag was raised upon Its soil it was under Spanish 
domination. It had ap autonomous local government, with universal suffrage. 

The people of Porto Klco had the same pro rata representation in the Spanish Cortes 
as the eltizehs of the Empire, in "Spain Itself. They had sixteen members in the lower 
bouse and four members in the upper house. Every citizen of Porto Hlco had the same 
legal rights as a citizen of Spain. 

' For years has this island been populated by this white, Caucasian population. It 
never has had a dollar of public Indebtedness. Time and time again the Island from 
Its own taxation has loaned ^o Spain money with which to carry on its various wars; 
and if has loaned to Santo Domingo and Cuba money for their public purposes. When 
the American flag was raised over this Island, it had a surplus of a million and a half 
(lollars in Its treasury. 
The people who inhabit this Island are a self-respecting, valorous, and heroic people. 

' Four times during the eighteenth century, unaided and alone, the citizens of Porto 
Rico repelled the attacks of the English navy, once under the command of Drake and 
once under the command of Abercromble, and preserved Porto Elcan soli for Porto Eico, 
against the most powerful of foreign Invaders, although it was then a dependency of 

. Porto Rico, In 1873, manumitted its slaves without tumult, without disturbance, with- 
out convulsion, without bloodshed, without murder, without outrage, and without revo- 
lution. With the consent of the Spanish Cortes, upon motion of a representative of 
Porto Rico, in oiJe moment 39,000 persons who before that time had been held in human 
bondage, became freemen. One day found them slaves; the next day they continued 
In their employment for the same masters, but working for hire— their own masters. 
On one day they bent down, bondmen. The next day they stood erect, freemen. This 
great change was wrought as quietly and silently as the dawn precedes the rising of 
the sun. 

The little island of Porto EIco paid for those slaves, by Its revenue, from its 
own prosperity. Seven million eight hundred thousand dollars in 1873, with a loan that 
required only fourteen years to pay, and, adding the Interest and principal, aggregating 
the magnificent sum of $12,000,000— paid by whom? By the people that live to-day in 
Porto Rico. For what? To emancipate 39,000 human bondmen. This nation of "illit- 
erates," this people to whom we now propose to act the part of a "good Samaritan!" 
That was a deed worthy "Of the highest triumph of Christian civilization anywhere. 
(Applause.) The mechanics of Porto Eico, consisting of masons, blacksmiths, leather 
workers, and silversmiths, are superior In their various branches to similar mechanics 
In nearly every part of the civilized world. The carpenters and cabinetmakers do not 
rank so high. 

This is the condition of the island; this Is the character of the people for whom 
the American Congress Is about to legislate. .They are an Intelligent people, not bar- 


Darians, not slaves, but a free people, and I submit, as I shall submit later to the Re- 
pubficao party— for I do not stand here to address gentlemen upon the other side of 
this House— I submit, as 1 shall submit later to 'the Republican party, that they are 
a people who, by their history, by their character, bV' their intelligence, their endeavor, 
and inheritance, "are entitled to fair treatment at'tliti' hands of the Republic, and to the 
maintenance of its pliglited ' faith. '■'' 

Republican Perfidy Towards the Porto Ricaris— Self-Stultifi- 
cation of the President. 

In the face of the declat-ation of the President that it was our "plain duty" 
to abolish all customs tariffs and give Porto EIco free access to our marliets; 
in the face of the strongest and most urgent recommendation of Secretary 
Root in- the same direction, and in the face of a report in favor of this, meas- 
ure from a House Committee, all these powerful influences were suddenly 
turned in the opposite direction. A bill was reported by the Committee on 
Ways and Means, imposing a tariff on Porto Rican imports from all other 
domestic ports, and imposing the equivalent of an export duty on all that her 
people should send to other domestic ports. Dr. Jekyll's transformation to 
Mr. Hyde was not more miraculous or more complete. The authorship of this 
bill, brought in by Mr. Payne of New Yorli, was credited by some to Sec- 
retary Root, and by others to Mr. Oxnard, the Ising of the sugar lobby. It 

That on and after the passag^e of this act all merchandise coming into the United 
Sti^tes from Porto Rico and coming into Porto Rico from the United States shall be 
entered at the several ports of entry upon the payment of 15 per centum of the duties 
which axe required to be levied, collected and paid upon like articles of merchandise 
Imported from other countries. 

Prior to July 1st, 1898, there had ' been a duty of ten per cent 
between Porto Rico and Spain, but by a statute which had been enacted by 
the Spanish Cortes this tariff of ten per cent, was to expire on that day, so 
that there was then to have been perfect free trade between Porto Rico and 
the parent State, Spain. Thus the joyful submission of the people 
of Porto Rico to United States rule was punished by a Republican 
Congress and President by a duty on all domestic commerce with their 
own country equal to fifteen per cent, of the. duties on foreign commerce. 
Had they remained subjects of Spain there would have been no duty on com- 
merce with the mother country. 

(ireat was the consternation in the House. The word was passed around* 
among the faithful that the President desired the passage of the substitute. 
The White House was besieged with anxious members seeljing to learn the 
attitude of the President. Either he evaded most of them, or they evaded 
those who inquired concerning the result. The friends of the Sugar Trust 
declai-ed 'that the President was in favor of the new bill imposing a duty. 
Some Republican Representatives raised their voices against the iniquity. As 
days ran on the struggle became intense. It was generally doubted whether 
a majority of the House could be had for the measure. Sir, Llttlefleld of 
Maine, Republican, said; 


What does President McRiniey say? He said when he sent his message to the 
Rouser-and J have rpeeTved|jp^,{5pi5fliuBlcaUon tvova the- President of the Dnlted States 
since— mark that— he coinmu|i|i(ji).J:efi| tq.jtne t^irough the Goi^stitutioiialjifhanael'; I say 
since then, neither dlreeljly op^i;, Jn^f eptly, tiave I recel-y'e^,,£{fly coifpijinieation from 
the President of the "United States tliat would tend to liidiea.te" that wh'e'n he said— not 
that it was his opinion, not that he thought,, not that he would advisa or suggest, but 
that it was "the plain dnty"-'8t'op and listen to that a minute— "the plain duty" of the 
Republican Congress to give free trs^de lietween Porto Rico and the United States, tie 
did not mean it. That is an assertion of fact. It was eitlier true or false. 

If conditions have changed,- let some gentleman suggest it while I am spealsing. If 
there has been any change of conditions that could be mentioned by any gentleman, 
since the President of the United States said it was our "plain duty," let hlm'assert it 
now. That statement was either true or false when he made it, and if it was true or 
false when he made it, it is true or false now. , I believe it was absolutely true. 

1. As the contest progressed, statements appealed in the papers that the 
President hmi actually sent for refractory memhers of the Bepuhlican party 
to induce them to vote for the new bill. Meanfijhile the Iowa legislature 
passed concurrent resolutions denouncing the measure. This brought the sub- 
ject' up to Spealier Henderson of that State, who wrote to a constituent, in a 
letter that was widely published, that the President "worked tooth and nail" 
for the bill. This be wrote in commendation of that public functionary. 

This merciless exposure of the ^'resident, who had resisted all appeals to 
give his public sanction to the bill, of necessity was meekly accepted by him 
as the truth. It was a snapshot at our presidential Dr. Jekyll as Mr. Hyde, 
■ Free sugar from the Philippine^ was the shadow overlianging the expan- 
sion policy of the administration. The new pretension that Congress had 'des- 
potic power in all newly acquired territories, and that the Constitution had no 
operation there, had becOme'of vital importance. If this could be maintained the 
Philippines would be held as subject colonies, abd our Filipino subjects could 
be held like the natives*in* British East India— under the control of a single 
man— a "Secretary of State for the Colonies." If, however, Congress must 
govern the new territories undet the protecting restraints of the Constitu- 
tion, and if the Philippine Islands were to be permanently annexed, 
then the Filipibps, except only their savage tribes, would in time become 
citizens and their islands be' divided into States of the American Union. The 
question accordingly was applied to Porto 'Rico as a new medicine is. some- 
times tried on a dog. It was not, therefore, the small crop of sugar which 
Porto Rico contributes towards the vast amount consumed in the United 
States that excited the interest of the sugar trust, and made it det^ 
bend a President and a Congress to its will; it was the question whether tlie 
sugar monopoly should be broken down by free sugar from tiie Philippines, or 
be compelled to acquire control of the sugar plantations there. It was freely 
remarked in administration circles of Congressmen after the passage of the 
Porto ittico bill that if it was unconstitutional to impose, duties on the products 
of the new territories, the sooner it Was, decided by the Supreme Court the" 
better. They said such a decision would be likely to change the policy to- 
iWards the Philippines. By this they meant that those islacds might be- 


come independent. A reaffirmation by the Supreme (^ourt of Chief Jus- 
tice Marshall's opinion may yet result in causing the President to "haul down 
the flag" at Manila as he hauled down free domestic commerce with Porto 

The Committee on Ways and Means in reporting the Porto Eican bill stat- 
ed their final proposition on this constitutional question. Representative liit- 
tlefield of Maine states and comments upon it as follows: 

I have a few suggestions to offer upon the legal propositions Involved, and I shall ga 
over them as rapidly as I may. What is the proposition of the Ways and Means Com- 
mittee? It is: 

"In case of territory acquired with no limitations upon the power of Congress, its 
power is absolute and conclusive except in so far as it is limited by the thirteenth 
amendment of the Constitution, 'which prohibits the existence of slavery in any place 
over which the United States has jurisdiction." » 

In other words, no single provision of the Constitution besides this relating to slavery, 
according to the Ways and Means Committee, applies outside of the limits of the forty- 
flve St6 tes of the Union. No other provision of the Constitution controls our action In 
connection with territory or property. They assert in effect that it Is necessary to 
establish this proposition in order to sustain the bill. 

Let^me say at the outset that, so far as I am concerned. In discussing this proposition, 
wherever there Is a doubt, I shall resolve it, in favor of, and not against, human rights. 
I thlrili the Republican party will stand better in the next campaign if it resolves these 
doubts, w^here there are any, in favor of, and not against, liuman rights. 
. When I speak of rights, I mean legal rights, existing by virtue of the provisions of 
the Constitution— not provisions of the Constitution that are torn from it and thrown 
Into a stump speech, made part of a peroration, and then called, forsooth, moral, infierr 
ent rights. I speak of rights In the sense that, when they exist, no person, no matter 
how poor, or how weak, or how ignorant, can be deprived of them. Why ? Because if ' 
the legislature, either State or national, undertakes to pass a law that transcends th? 
constitutional prohibitions, the person who suffers from that act has In the courts a 
remedy— a place to which he can go— where there will be asserted In his behalf rights 
written in the Constitution— not rights asserted in a stump speech or guaranteed only 
by a peroration. Rights which can be asserted against the power of the Government 
. Itself, not rights that are enjoyed at the will of another. *rhat Is the distinction b'e- 
tweem a moral and a legal right. 

I wish to call attention to the fact that the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Dal- 
sell) said It would be "grotesque" to suggest that we could govern these people In 
accorffance with the limitations of the Constitution. The gentleman from Massacfin- 
Betts (Mr. Moody) said it would be "impossible" to do so. It thus ^appears that we 
have reached a stage when the leading statesmen of the. Republican party stand up and 
Bay that unless they can construe the Constitution Just as they like, to give them abso- 
lute, arbitrary power, they are incapable of forming a plan of government to take cars 
of these people now under our control. 

Without having had an opportunity to exhaustively Investigate this question, I be- 
lieve that a fair analysis of the authorities upon which the committee rely shows their 
contention to be unfounded. With Loughborough vs. Blake and Cross vs. Harrison, not 
only undenled or overruled, but directly and Indirectly approved and affirmed; with no 
case holding that, for the purpose of imposing duties and Imposts, the term "United 
States" Is confined to the geographical area of the 45 States; and with an unbroken line 
of decisions holding that Congress, without the qualification or aid of treaties or acts 
of Congress, legislates tor the District of Columbia and the Territories, always subject 
to constitutional limitations and restrictions, I submit that the great weight of author- 
ity sustains the proposition that the 12,000,000 of unfortunate people whose destinies 
have been united with ours by the fortuues of war cannot be, and of right ought not to 
be, deprived of the civil rights guarantee.d to them by the Constitution. Their weal or 
woe, and that of millions yet unborn, hangs trembling in the balance. The gravity of 
the situation transcends the power of the Imagination. Upon the law and the facts the 
House should refuse to pass this bill. The honor, good faith, and Integrity of Hm 
jlepubUc Js ftt stafce. 





■Why did the Republican Committee on Ways and Means in the Republican 
House report at first against imposing duties on imports from the American 
Iterritory of Porto Rico? Because they thought the President was right wh6n 
he said in his message that it was the "plain duty" of Congress to do so. 
Why did tlie Committee on Ways and Means, later on in the same session, 
repoirt a bill itaposing duties on imports from Porto Rico? Because the Sugar 
Trust, through its spoliesman, Henry Oxnard, directed them to do so. HoW 
did the President regard this new bill, so contrary to the recommendation in 
his message? He regarded it just as Henry Oxnard and the rest of the Sn- 
gar Trust did as soon as they had made their wishes Ijnown. He not only 
allowed, the Sugar Trust to change his mind, but he worked "tooth and nail" 
for a tariff on Porto Rican sugar, thereby violating what he had declared to be 
"a plain duty." He did good by stealth to the Sugar Trust, being naturally 
ashamed to do it openly and in public. All the reporters who tried to ascer- 
tain his position reported that he stood squarely by his message in favor of 
tree oomrtierce with Porto Rico. But Speaker Henderson, who had conferred 
with him and knew his real position, stated in a letter to an Iowa friend that 
the President, as above stated, "fought tooth ^nd nail" for the Porto Rican 
tffliffi bill. Neither the President nor any friend of his has ever denied 
this declaration of Speaker Henderson. Serious as is the charge no roan 
jreTends to deny its truth. It was through the personal efforts Of fh^'Pre^- 
Ident, wrestling with reluctant Republican membei-s of Congress, tliat tie 
bill Was passed.' They knew, and so did he, that this remarkable .sdthersault 
iiould not be explained, and would disgrace the administration and Its sup- 
porters in Congress. The only reason why the President so stultified him- 
self and coerced Congress Into doing the same was bebause it was demand- 
ed- by the Sugar Trust. This assertion does not rest upon any doubtful tes- 
timony. ■ It rests upon the statement made in the House of' Representatives 
by The, Honorjable Sereno E. Payne, Chairman of the Committee on Ways 
end Means^.— His statement will be found in the following extract from, the 


aettate on the bill in tbe House of Represeatatives on tlie of February, 
1900. It is on page 2041 of tJie Record: ;: . 

Mr HENRY of Texas. You introflucea this tiilf sMits the Porto Rlcans free trade 
with the XJnitea States. n.Now,i was this bill inwortiised trncil: the representatives of the 
beet-sugar producers ana the tobacco producers aud all ^Qther sugar producers in the 
United States had been before the Committee on Insular "A ffairs and stated that free 
trade would be disastrous to their interests? 

Mr. PAYNE. I thinlc it, was; and right here, lest I forget it, I want to say that the 
gentleman who represents the beet-sugar industry, Mr. Oxnard, came, before the Com- 
mittee on Ways and Means and made a statement before the Ways and Means Com- 

Mr.*HENRY of Texas. Ami before the Committee on Insular Affairs. 

Mr. PAYNE. I was not present there, and I only heard him make It before the 
Ways'and Means Committee. I made this inquiry. "Mr. Oxnard, do you fear the disas- 
trous influence of the importation of sugar from Porto Rico, bearing in mind the fact 
that the United States cons.umes 2,000,000 tons of sugar annually; that It Is Increasing 
by 100,000 tons every year; that we import 1,400,000 tons and pay duty upon It? Do 
yon think the free importation of only 58,000 tons, and supposing it should be doubled 
to 120,000 tons, from Porto Rico, would affect your industry?" He said, "No; that Is 
not what I am afraid of. What I am afraid of is" 

Mr. HENRY of Texas rose, 

Mr. PAYNE. Now, let me make that statement. 

Mr. HENRY of Texas. I want to make a statement of what he said before the In- 
sular AJTairs Committee. 

Mr. PAYNE. Well, yon cannot do It in my time. He said what be was afraid of was 
free sugar from the Philippine Islands, and he was afraid that when prosperity came 
to Porto Rico under free sugar Cuba would be knocking at the door for admission, and 
that all sides of the chamber— imperialists, expansionists, anti-expansionists, and every 
other kind— would vote to admit Cuba into the Union;, and If we extended free trade to 
Cuba it would break down all the sugar industries. 

Tii'JS the Republican Chairman of the Republican Ooinmittee on Ways 
and Means of the Republican House freely confesses that the Republican 
party swallowed its own opinion and the previous opinion of Its President, and 
prostrated itself before the sugar kings. At their demand Mr. Payne turned 
himself wrong side o>ut on the Porto Rican tariff bill. The Sugar Trust 
cared nothing for the trifling sugar product of Porto Rico; but if Porto Rico 
had become a part of the United States, then the Philippine Islands had 
become a part of the United States, and the suga» plantations of the Phil- 
ippines were a menace to the Sugar 'frust. It therefore became "the plain 
duty" of the Republican Congress to decide that Porto Rico, ceded to the 
United States by Spain, had not become a part of the United States, after all. 
They decided that acquisition did not acquire, nor annexation annex. They 
decided that the Constitution of the United States, without which there is no 
Congress and no treaty-making povs-er, had been left out ot the new ar-qui- 
sitions. The treaty-making power had acquired- them in some mysterious way 
without exercising its constitutional authority, and, therefore, Congress, ex- 
isting only by authority of that Constitution, could leave the Constitution out 
of consideration in any legislation for the new territories. And all because 
the Sugar Trust demanded it. Chairman Payne's confession proves that in 
the case of the Porto Rican tariff the legislative power Qf Hxe Congress of 
Jlue United States was JraiKferred .to tJie Sugaj: Irust,, ^ 


Mr. Payne did not allow Mr. Henry of Texas to state what iiiifl been 
urged by Mr. Oxnard before the House Committee on Insular Affairs. It will 
answer the, .purpose to Qi;od,uc;e, ^i,few extracts from, what Mr. Oxnard said 
before the Senate ComnJitbeefOB the Pacific Islands and Porto /Rico, on the 
^th Of .Tanudry, l&OO. His 'feta'cfcment and argument there covered twenty 
pages of the report of the hearing. 

In analyzing the bill before the Committee he informed the members of 
the committee what the leading features of their own bill seemed tx) be. 
He said It Was "a colonial rather than a territorial system." He explained 
that certain phraseology In the bill was "intended probably to recognize ani^ 
preserve, so far as the other provisions of the bill can, the sovereign or 
constitutional power of Congress over, and the recognized distinction be' ' 
t^een, a territory of the United States given organic law, looliing to future 
statehood, and the Inhabitaiits of tropieal colonial possessions that the United 
Startesmay ac<iuire by war as indemnity or otherwise." Mr. Oxnard evidently 
feared the cowmittee might get muddled over the language of the bill, 
for he proceeded thus: 

But doubt exists whether tiie courts may .not in ' some ca^eg lan to recognize the 
'Intention of (jpngress, especially as sections 26 and 36 of the bill give all voters qualified 
under present laws and military orders the right to elect a delegate to our Congress,, 
which, is extending a fight only to a (luUy constituted) Territory of the United States. 

.Ttfr. Oxnard was quite sure that If the bill made Porto Rico a fully consti- 
tuted territory there must have been some mlstalje about It. The orders of 
tjje Trust had not been implicitly followed. He continues: 

Section 10- also extends our. Constitution to the island, which may fOnu a serious pre- 
cedent find beeouie very objectionable. Whatever Is given could mora 6...rely be done By 
Specfflc laws or a general provision too plain to admit of misrepresentation as to intent 
and extent. 

" 'These instructions by Mr. Oxnard were carried out to the letter in the Porto 
Rican Act as finally passed. The "serious precedent" of recognizing the 
Constitution as controlling the island was not admitted. Only the will of the 
Sugar Trust was allowed to get a foothold there. And yet all the oflBcials au- 
thorized by the law are required to take an oath to support- the Con- 
stitution of the United States; 

■ Mr. Oxnard found a great deal of fault with the Senate bill. He much 
feared that the courts might construe the bill as creating a territory. Of 
course he d'id not desire that this should be done. His principal objection, 
however, was to the free commerce for which the Senate bill provided. His 
serious Objection was "the great injustice to our competing 'home industries' 
and jjerhaps to our lalwr which the 'free' admission of Porto Rican products 
into the United States would entail, violative of 'protection.' By this he meant 
that the Republican doctrine of protection for home industries was not 
confined to protecting them against foreign, products, but also against otiier 
home'iifdustries! The great doctrine of protection would, he thought, be vi- 
olated if sugaf should be brought .from the American terril«rjr n^ Porto Rica 


and sold in competition with sugar from the State of Ijouislana. If that Is 
the real meaning of Republican protection, then it would be perfectly proper 
for Congress to fix a tariff on Louisiana cane sugar coming into other States, 
or on beet sugar going, into the State of Ijqu^sia^aa! , , ^ 

Here is ajittle gem: ,, ,,,,, 

"Better lift some of the purdens from our own people before extending 
favors to the tobacco, sugar and coffee of foreign planters." 

The planters of Porto Rico are regarded by Mr. Oxnard as "foreign 

Mr. Oinard quoted from the New Yoi-k Tribune,— a newspaper conducted 
by Mr. \Vhitela"w Reid, who was one of the Paris Commissioners by whom the 
treaty with Spain was negotiated. As he is a great Republican light, and is 
not trying to be elected to anything, he announces the policy of Republican 
imperialism with rather more frankness than we get from the tremblifig Re, 
publican candidates for re-election. Here is the quotation: 

"The laws of the United States are not to be applied- to any place out^ae 
of the United States; and Porto Rico is outside of the United States, and there- 
fore they aro not to be applied to It." 

Sir., Oxnard, being thus informed that Porto Rico, acquired by treaty, has 
cot been acquired, dud is no part of the United States, asks himself a- 
question and answers it as follows: 


"Why should we admit free of duty these products of Porto Rico which i 
compete with our own products? One ^reat reason why we should not is 
that it would be in violation of the principle embraced in the cardhaal doc- 
trine of 'protection for home industries.' " 

Finally Mr. Oxnard decides that "the average Porto Rican ought to feel 
that he has been transported to Heaven" by the benevolent American, and 
that, therefore, he ought to be resigned to whatever fate may be in store 
for him, 

Mr. Oxnard then speaks for the philanthropic side of the Sugar Trust 
as follows: 

"Have our tax-payers not done enough,for a little while at least? We have 
given our sons as a sacrifice in the cause of humanity; we have incurred 
millions 6t debt; we will lift the oppressive burdens of unjust taxation; we 
will educate the masses and rid the people of desjxirism as it has manifested 
Itself in so many ways." 

Mr. Oxnard shares the contempt of all ti'ust repr-esentatives for the rep- 
resentatives of the people. Concerning them he says: 

"Of course without stating the reasons, the average Senator or representa- 
tive, who seldom has time to thoroughly investigate a subject, would be 
apt to jump to an erroneous conclusion." 

This is the way the trusts always surround Congress with leamea ana ex- 
pert gentlemen who will prevent Congressmen, as far as possible, from jump- 
ing to an erroneous conclusion where trust interests are Involved. Sm-ely 


Mr Oknai-a has no cause to complain that the majorUy of Congress was un- 
mlnclful of his instructions.' 

Mr. Herbert Myrick made' Ii'ife' appearance as cnairman of a league embrac- 
ing all the beet sugar and cane sugar associations, as *eU as many others. 
Mr. Myriclj loudly denouncfed the 'free admission of Porto Rican sugar. When 
he was aslted how aiscrimination against Porto Rico and in favor of other 
territories would be sustained, he replied: "I appreciate the magnitude and 
delicacy of the question you refer to, but you must remember that England 
imposes the same tariff on imports from her colonies that she does from for- 
eign colonies." Whatever England could do to her colonies iSIr. Myrick 
thought We ought to be able to do to ours. 

Enough has been quoted to show clearly the impudent or ignorant con- 
tention of the Sugar Trust, and ij:s congressional supporters, that the doc- 
tritie of protection protects home industries against other home iildustries as 
well as against foreign products. 

We have quoted enough to show also that neither the Republican Presi- 
dent nor the Republican Congress had any intention of imposing duties on. 
the domestic commerce between United States porta in Porto Rico and United 
States ports on the continent; but that this correct and only admissible posi- 
tion was abandoned at the bidding of the Sugar Trust. iThe debate in the 
House of Representatives, above quoted, shows that the will of the Sugar 
Trust controlled the Republican administration and Congress in the in- 
famous and unconstitutional Porto Rican legislation; and forced the Repub- 
lican party into the absurd and unprecedented pretension that in legislating tor 
the territories of the United States Congress acts outside of the Constitu- 
tion, and therefore outside of the United States. 

The Administration's Deal witli the Sugar Trust to Secure 
a Campaign Contribution. 

• The Washington Star on March 23 published what follows: 


"Tile action of the Iowa legislature cannot affect the situation in Congress. The deal 
has been made. It is a matter of money for the campaign, and the tafiff measure will 
be carried through." 

TEla statement was made by a Republican member of the House who supported the 
bill In the House by his vote. 

"tou may as well set. it down that the deal will be carried out," ho added. "The 
carrying out of the recommend atfon of the President for free trade witj Porto Rico 
would have deprived the party of a very considerable contribution. The adoption of 
the reverse policy insures a very large contribution. I 

"The possible unpoplarlty of the Porto Rican tariff was balanced against the cer- 
tainty of money to use In the campaign, and the decision was in favor of the cam- 
paign ooritributlon. It was not expected that the storm o't protest would be as strong 
as It is, but It Is now too late for a change." 

The Washington Post bears witness to the character and standing of its 
contemporary In na editorial dated March 24, as follows: 


The Star lias everything to lose and nothing to gain by dlssemlnatiug falsehood— ana 
we may add, upon our own motion, that the Star docs not bear the reputation of reck- 
less or unsupported statement. We feel that we are warranted, therefore, in assuming 
that our esteemed contemporary speaks with knowledge and conviction when it quotes— 
if anonymously— a member of the House as declaring that the Porto Rico tarilf olll has 
been inspired by the detestable and base purposes of a campaign fund. To s.ay that is 
to. say that the Eepublicau party is using the Administration and the Congress, as the 
footpad exploits the defenseless wayfarer— for mere plunders the form of cash! 

We have frequently, wondered, and as frequently asked, what there is behind all this 
astonishing determination in Congress to afflict Porto Rico with a tariff. Unaljle to 
understand It ourselves, we have appealed to the country at large for enlightenment— 
for even a suggestion. Every consideration of honor and good faith and justice de- 
mands that we should treat Porto Itico as the President eloquently indicatefl in his 
message fast December. Almost without exception, the press— especially the Republicaa 
and the independent press— has supported this demand. 

And now comes the Evening -Star, as if to answer -the almost passionate anxiety of 
the country, explaining in deliberate terms ihiit the tariff against Porto Rico has been 
devised, not for any purpose of statesmanship, not even in mistaken loyalty to national 
honor, not even to establish a precedent in the public interest, but simply and .solely to 
placate certain coiporations which wili contriflute handsomely to a party campaign 
treasury ! 

.If this be the case; if Porto Rico Is to be sacrificed to the sordid uses of a political 
contest; if these inmocent and trustful people, who welcomed us with open arms and 
confided their destinies to our honor and generosity, are to be immolated on the altar 
of a detestable and mean party emergency; it it be true that the Republican Congress, 
backed by the Republican Administration. deliberateJy intend to trade upoin the misery 
, and l7ie helplessness of a people who have thrown themselves upon our mercy, then we 
say— and we believe— that ihe country will malie liaste to denounce and to condemn and 
to rebuke an Infamy so monstrous and so indefensible. 

Both the Post and the Stax arc strong advocate.s of the President's general 
policy, but both of fham strongly condemned this Porto Rican outrage. 

It is Important to observe that the motive of the Sugar Ti' in forcing 
the robbery of Porto Rico is to pave the way for applying the same Imperial 
rule for the Philippines. It proposes to adopt the British colonial system. It 
is clearly the intention of the Republican party to abstain from any legis- 
lation concerning the Philippines, and leave that entire group under military , 
rule. lia IS58 Great Britain tool; British India out of the hands of the East 
lodin Company, which, under a British license, had robbed and plundered its 
iuli;il)ifant.s for one hundred and fifty years, and made that country a "crown 
roloiiy." Three himdred millions of people are there ruled by one man,— the 
Colonial Secretary, who speaks through the Governor General of India. In 
1S7T aii Act of Parliament conferred upon Victoria, Queen of England, the 
.itfditiobal title of "Empress of India." It only remains for the Republican 
party, at Uic coming session, to enact a similar law, and declare William ilc- 
Kiulcy President , of the JQnited, State_s £nd Emperor of the Philipnlues and 
Porto Uicq, ' 




Extracts from the speech of Honorable John S. Williams of Mississippi, in 
the House of Eepresentatires, Tuesday, March 27, 1900. 

Mr. Williarhs. 

"I want to take advantage of the time given me to Insert a few things 
In theKeeord from distinguished men and equally distinguished newspapers 
of this cotintry, some of them Democratic and some of them Republican, upon 
the Porto Riean quastion generally,, the inconsistencies and self-stultiflcations 
of the Republican party upon that question, and the cavity in which it has de- 
posited it!<elf on account of these inconsistencies. (Laughter on the Demo- 
craticside.) I will quptp first from the Cincinnati Enquirer. It says; 

" Cincinnati Enquirer (Democrat). 

" 'Had the Republican management confessed that it was intended to rifle 
a land distant 10,000 miles from our shores, lay waste cities and populous dis- 
tricts, and- ]if& and have Ijille^ under the science of war tens of thousands 
of people whose crime consisted of love of home and country and the en- 
,joyment of liberty as they sought best to enjoy it, William McIClnley wpuld 
not have polled a single vote~in the electoral college. Had the.^Republican 
leaders in the canvass of 1896 scouted our Declaration of Independence, in 
which our forefathers in 17fo appealed to mankind for approval; bad they 
scoffed the Constitution o;f the United States and mocked the teachings of the 
fathers of the Republic, such a political organization as the Republican party 
.would not be ^to-day in existence. Public opinion would have scorned the 
party to death. Yet the administration of William McKlnley has done all 
these things.' 

"It has done something more than 'these things,' Mr. Chairman. It has 
contended that certain parts of the earth are neither in the United States nor 
out odf the United States, and then has contended in the next breath that 
these certain parts of the world are both within the United States andi out- 
Side of the United States. You have taken the curious position that Congress, 


the creature of the Constitution, has powers beyond the Constitution. Then 
again, sonoe o£ you h^.Ye said: 'No; that is f,g>l5p, t^ut something else, is-truer- 
unless and unti} Caagfess legislates the Pre§idejjjt,' ^^otber creature of the 
Constitution, 'has powers beyond the Constitution;, but we do not think that 
Congress has powers beyooad the Constitution.' 

"Here are some truths- tersely put by a couple of great men who are 
members of the Republican -party. I refer to the sxieeches of Judges Har- 
man and .Tudge Taft at the farewell banquet to the latter as he was takiijg 
his departure to go as one of the appointees of the PrFsident as commissioner 
to the Philippine Islands. 

• <l> «'i( • • 4> « 

Judge Harman. 

"Here are some of these epigrams of Judge Harman: 

" 'Our history and principles are a perpetual promise to peoples struggling 
for freedom and independence. 

" -We now hear the usual plea of doers of doubtful things. " ' "The deed 
Is done; it is too late to discuss it." ' " It is never too late to retrace a mis- 
step, to right a wrong.' ' , 

" 'If the people shall decide that no nation is good enough to nila another 
nation without tliat, nation's consent; if they sjiall conclude that this country 
cannot long, exist part vassal and part free, then there will be no difBculty in 
doing what we ought to have done in the beginning— leave the Filipinos to 
manage their own affairs and serve, notice to the world that they are und^r 
our protection. 

" 'The Philippine question, as it involves right and wrong, will never be 
settled until it is settled right' » 

Judge Taft, a Philippine Commissioner. 

"Judge Taft says, and remejuber Judge Taft is a Republican, and, more- 
over, is the Republican appointee of a Republican President as a Philippine 
Island commissioner: 

"1 have always hoped the jurisdiction of our nation would not extend 
beyond territory between the two oceans.' * 

'" "Again Judge Taft says: 

" 'We have, not solved all the problems of popular government so perfectly 
as to justify our voluntarily seeking more difficult ones abroad.' 
,. .','And, how much more difficult, Mr. Cttairman, is the problem when the 
question is not the government of a homogeneous people with common aspir- 
ations and common traditions whence those aspirations flow, but the gov- 
ernment of a people alien to us in race, in religion, in institutions, in law, 
in aspirations, in, traditions, in environment, in everything, and inferior to 
us in I every respect. 

i"Here is something which I find quotefl from General Lew: Wallace; 


■'- Gfeneral Lew Wallace, Author of Ben Hur. 

"'When the President recoirimended free trade ^with Porto Eico, that was 
' WUliam McKinley speaking from his heart. Wlien he urged Congressmen to 
eat their utterances and vote for a duty on the industries of the island going 
and coming, that was Marls: Hanna, the great Ohio suspect. Either the Porto 
fileans are fellow-countrymen or people in relation to us not yet defined. 
If fellOTY-countrymen, free trade should govern in all our dealings with them, 
and their institutions should be Apiericanized, something impossible under 
military control. If they are in relation unknown and undefined and poor 
and helpless, then charity, the essence of Christianity, should have had the 
molding of our policies. 

" 'It is idle to talli about the island being outside of the Constitution. Is 
Congress the creature of the Constitution or the Constitution a device! of Con- 
; gress? It is unfortunate tljat none of the men Invited to see him and come 
away converted has told us of a word dropped by the President in explanai- 
tlon of his orwn conversion. It is not pleasaiit to thinli of the President ex- 
erting himself to control the action of an Independent branch of the Gor- 
erment. Wbat shall stop him next from interfering with the judges of the 
Supreme Court?' 

•'That. I find attributed to General Lew Wallace, ex-minister by Repub- 
lican appointment to Constantinople and author of Ben Hur. 

"Here is soinething from the Peoria (111.) Journal, which I believe is a Re- 
publican paper: 

Peoria (111.) Journal. 

"'The appeal of the Porto Rlcans for the privilege of free trade with the 
balance of the United States is not one that should be rejected. The party 
that neglects to heed this appeal will suffer for it.' 

"Here is something from the Cincinnati Commerical Tribune, Republican: 

Cincinnati Commercial Tribune. 

" 'Porto Rico suffers because of Congressional tardiness. And in her sufter- 
Ings is the flag reproached and the nation discredited. This is a condition 
that discbunts American statesmanship.' ■ 

"Here is something from the Chicago Times-Herald. It is- Republican, un- 

Chicago Times-Herald. 

" 'The ti'uth is that the consistency and honor of the Republican party were 
sacrificed for cheap and cowardly political reasons, and the moral sense- of 
the party was outraged at the bidding of the smallest fly that ever buzaed 
around the hub of progress.' 

"Not satisfied, the Chicago Times-Herald continues in another issue la 
this original manner: 


" 'Is it not about time for the adYocates of the Porto Bleo tariff bill to se- 
lect some apology for that amazing political blunder ujkjh which they can 
stand over night? In the six weelss that have elapsed since the Ways and 
Means Committee cut its safe moorings to the docli of duty and ventured 
forth on the stormy sea of broken faith and temporary shifts each week has 
seen the invention of a new explanation to replace an exploded excuse. Take 
tl^em in the order in which they were invented and abandoned, the Gov- 
erment will not fulfill the pledges of Miles, the "necessity" of Davis, the "jus- 
tice" of Root, the "plain duty" of the President.' 

"Here is something from the Portland Oregonian, a Republican paper: 

The Portland Oregonian. 

" 'What especially concerns the country is this striking, proof that pro- 
tected avarice and greed have been able to control the House of Represen- 
tatives and overbear the President against plain dnty, manifest justice, and 
the interests of industry and trade between peoples under the common flag 
of the United States.' 

"That would have sounded bitter coming from me. What must be the mag- 
nitude of your crime to provoke its utterance by a partisan Republican news- 

"Here is something from the Angola (Ind.) Magnet, Republican. It is head- 
ed "People are not fools.' 

"Of course it means 'most people:' 

Angola (Ind.) Magnet, Republican. 

"'Some of the members of Congress tell us that the people do not un- 
derstand the Porto Rican tariff bill. Perhaps they do not, but they have a 
pretty well established belief that the clause in the Constitution which de- 
clares "that all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the 
, lUnited States" means precisely what it says. 

"Here is something from the Baltimore American, Republican: 

Baltimore American. 

"'At this time, when General Miles's pledge, the provisions of the peace 
treaty, the President's plain duty message, Secretary Root's unqualified rec- 
ommendation, and. the temper of the Porto Ricans are all taken into con- 
sidei-ation, the country refuses to .believe that there can be any right or jus- 
tice in the latter-day effort to treat the Island as an alien. 

"Here is something from the Philadelphia North American Republican, that 
is very good reading. It is headed 'Un-American treatment.' 

Philadelphia North American, Republican. 

" 'No wonder the Porto Ricans are not satisfied. If they ar^ forei-'ners 
let them ship their goods on foreign vessels if they find that to their advan- 
tage, and let them trade with foreign countries without the impediment of 


the Dingley tariff. If they are Americans, let tliem be treated like other 
Americans. They have a right to be considered one thing or the other.' 

"Here is something from the Minneapolis Journal, Republican, from the 
Republican Northwest. This taper dares to say that you are blind: 

IWinneapolis Journal, Republican. 

' " 'It begins to look as if the people who lack for information were not in 
tlje country among the constituents, but were in Washington in the Ways 
and Means Committee and in the House miaekly following the lead of its 
blind leadership. It will not hurt the Republican party to abandon this mis- 
take, and the Republicans look with hope to the Senate to save the party from 
pcffsisting in a dangerous error.' 

"Then the peaceful rest and grassy quiet ocf the City of Brotherly Love are 
disturbed by the following plaint occasioned by your bad faith: 

Philadelphia Ledger, Republican. 

" ' "EveiT consideration of justice and good faith," as the Secretary of War 
declared in his last annual report, demands that Congress shall accept the 
obligation of plain duty as it was announced l)y President McKiuley. Shquld 
Congress fail to do fha.t, it will do it, not only at -the risk of defeating tlie 
Republican party in November next, but with the certainty of breaking solemn 
pledges, of violating the bod-rock principles of the Constitution, of inflicting 
monstrous wrong and in.1ustice upon a people who came to us cheerfully and 
welcomed us efCusively because of their confidence in the good faith of our 

Boston Transcript, Re'publican. 

"Now comes a voice from the' Hub of Uie Universe, and the cultured and 
protected gentlemen who have hithci'to voted the' Republican ticket in the 
Atlieus of America must have their, self-contemplative satisfaction disturbed 
by the following appeal to common sense made by a Republican newspapijr: 

" 'The stuffed bogy that the admission of Porto Rico goods into our mar- 
kets without the 'payment of duty would bo a step toward -free trade as a- 
national policy has lost its force, if it evi.'r had any. * 

" 'We have heard of niother countries, like France and Spain, which force . 
their colonies to buy eveiything of- tho motlierland. We never heard of any 
mother country which forced the colonies 'to sell all their goods outside of 
, the 'motherland. If 'we insist upon exacting tribute from the suffermg is- 
land, we ^shall be acting tho motherland very strangely.* j 

Cleveland Leader, Republican. 

"The Cleveland Leader, Republican in politics, actually accuses the 'great 
party of moral ideas,' the 'G. O. P.,' of beiflg immoral: 

" 'It is long since any policy adopted by the representatives of the Repub- 
lican party in Congress has been attacked by so great a proportion of the best 

180 ,demoorjatic campaign book. 

Republican newspapers in tlie tfnited States as have resolutely opposed .tbe 
Porto Eican tariff bill. Tlie outbreals; of dissatisfaction is so ypide and intense, 
that -it may , well alarm the most sanguine leaders of the party. . ': 

" 'The reason is that the question is largely a matter of morals. Foremost 
in the issues raised by this unfortunate bill is the plea of Porto Rico for kind- 
ness and Justice. That is what breaks the lines of the Republican party. .. It 
is the appeal to the moral sense of the people. Republican, policies cannot 
safely or successfully be turned away from the instinct of rigM and. justice 
Involved in the demand for free trade between the United States and the little 
island whigh welcomed the American flag with high hopes and very demon- 
stration of joy.' • . 
Indianapolis Journal. 

"And then the Indianapolis Journal even forgets that It Is Republican, and 
remembers only that it is human and American: 

The Pauper Argument. 

" 'There is no weaker argument in defense of the Porto Eican tariff bill 
thah that based on the ignorance and poverty of the people of the island. We 
are told that when we got tlie island a large majority Of them could not 
read or write; that thousands of them were never clothed beyond wearing a 
shirt; that 85 per cent, of them went barefoot, and so on. 

" 'Much of the same might have been said of the Southern plantation ne- 
groes at the close of th.e war, yet we gave tlie latter untes trie ted free trade 
with the United States and the ballot besides. If ignorance and poverty fur- 
nislied a justification for discriminating duties or taxes there would be a 
great deal of class legislation in this country.' 

Detroit Tribune. 

"The Detroit Tribune comes very near to calling you hypocrites. The idea 
that a Republican paper should 'let tiat cat,' of all cats, 'out of the bag!' 

" 'The proposition made by some of the Senators to levy a tariff equal to 
15 per cent, of the DIAgley duties upon imports from the United States free is 
probably the most remarkable compromise ever offered. Certainly nothing 
more extraordinary has been proposed since duty and destiny established them- 
selves in the seats of the mighty. 

" 'The principal argument advanced by the supporters of the House meas- 
ure is that Porto Rico needs tie revenue. Xow, the solemn Senators come 
along and say, "Let us do the right thing by these h'elpless people. We will 
keep their products out of the United States, but we will permit them to buy 
our products without paying anything extra for the blessed privilege." Hu- 
manity and benevolent assimilation can go no further. If the Porto Rlcans 
are not tickled now, it is hardly Vyorth while to try to please such a fickle 
and frivolous people.' 


New York Evangelist, Presbyterian. 

"Then comes the Evangelist, and In the stern tones of a 'God-fearing cov- 
enanter" announces what one might have known would be its opinion, dic- 
tated by the great heart and hard head of Presbyterianism: 

" 'Some commercial degenerates are said to have used the argument witb 
tlie President that Porto Rico sugar' and tobacco will compete with the 
American product. We must protect our own growers. Our own growers! 
Is not Porto Rico our own? What Icind of absorption is this? What kind of 
Americanization of our own dependence does it portend? It would leave 
Porto Rico Worse off than it was under Spain, and it would Impose on the 
people of this generous and justice-loving Republic the harder lot of ex- 
changing places with Spain and coming down from our Ideals to the level 
of that once proud and magnanimous people.' 

New York Board of Trade and Transportation. 

"Then to make the sad irony of your fate 'sadder yet and yet sadder' comes 
the voice of commercialism, itself. Listen to the New York Board of Trade and 
Transportation, then cry, 'at tu, Brute?' and die: 

" 'Rooms of the New Xork Board of 
• " 'Trade and Transportation, 
" 'Mail and Express Building, 203 Broad-way, 
" 'New York, March 22, 1900. 

" 'At a special meeting of the Ni w York Board of Trade and Transportation, 
called for the purpose of conslderiog the Porto Rico tariff matter and held this 
day, the board adopted the following resolutions, viz: 

" 'Resolved, That in the judgment of the New York Board of Trade and 
Ti-ansportation the policy of the United States toward the island of Porto 
Rico should be denitely and immediately determined upon considerations and 
conditions which relate to that island alone, and that such policy so decided 
upon should not in any particular or degree be affected. Influenced, or warped 
by other and different questions, conditions, and considerations which may 
be Involved in the relations of the United States to the island of Cuba and 
to the Philippines. 

" 'Itesolved, That the pea^e of Porto Rico, In the opinion of the New York 
Board of Trade and Transportation, are entitled by every consideration of 
juctlce, equity, and honor to the most beneficent treatment by the Govern- 
ment of the United States. We believe that in assuming Uieexisting relation 
toward Porto Rico this country accepted obligations which cannot honorably 
be evaded, and that, apart from all other considerations, due regard for 
pledges gi-ven demand the extension to that Island of free commercial inter- 
course with the United States and a civil form of government. 

" 'Resoh ed. That it will be a dishonor to the American flag, which now 
floats over the; Island of Porto Rico, if by reason of any consideration un- 
worthy of this great nation any act of ours shall impose upon the people of 


that island burdens less tolerant than those from whicli ttiey have been -re- 
leased, . and they shall cqme thereby to rega.rd our flag as the emblem o^ 
avarice and not of liberty and happiness. 

" 'Resolved, That while giving expression to the foregoing sentiments, the 
New Yorli Board of Trade and Transportation renews its expression of cour 
fidence in the wisdom of the Administration and of Congress, and of their, 
desire and purpose to legislate upon the interests of the island of Porto Kico, 
in accord with the overwhelming sentiment of the people of the United States, 
Which, in our judgment, favors tlie keeping of good faith pledged by General 
Miles and other representatives of this Government. 

" 'Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded to the President 
of the United States, and to the members of the Senate ajid of the House oJ 

" 'Resolved, That the president be authorized to appoint a committee of five 
members of this board, who shall have full power to talie such action as they 
may deem conducive to the carrying out of the views of this board as ex- 
pressed in the foregoing resolutions. 

■•"A true copy. 

•"W. H. PARSONS, President 

" 'FRANK S, GARDNER, Secrefary.' 

Buffalo Evening News. 

"Editorial in the Buffalo Evening News— a proselyte to Renublicaniam, and 
therefore zealous in the faith: 

"'If the tariff wall is to be raised between the United States and Porto. 
Rico, the Republican party may ^^e\l look about for another candidate for, 
President, for William McKinley has himself written the epitaph which will 
be his if that happens. His message to Congress put upon Congress, as a 
matter of conscience, the duty of opening our markets to the annexed island. 
If,be yields to pressure, and in the end consent.^ to wrong Porto Rico, the re- 
sponsibility wiU be his, and it will be a grave one.' 

,*.,,* * * * * * * * * 

" 'The attempted betrayal of Porto Rico has divided the Republican party in 
OilBgress. ;lt WiU divide it in the nation' if the policy is carried out. Tlie re- 
sponsibility rests mainly with the President. This is a year when, of all 
years, tlie Republican party should be united, hopeful, and aggressive. It 
should not be put oh the defensive. The prestige of a successful war and re- 
turning industrial prosperity make.'; it invincible if it will only be true to 
American Ideals. 

(* ■* * * * * * « >» 

"'The Presiitent shotild speak out and should stand by his' message in the 
manly fashion which is his in matters of principle, however he may com- 
promise in matters of policy and detail. The Republican State legislature'- 


of Towa has protested against the betrayal of Porto Hico. In New York a 
great mass meeting is to be held Thursday night to voice a similar protest. 
Soon it win be too late for the Chief Magistrate to break silence with self- 
respect. For political reasons, for personal reasons, above all for patriotic 
reasons and for the welfare of the whole country, the President should speaJi 
out, and he should speali out now.' • 

•'W'auts the President to 'sptels out.' Poor fellow! So anxious to please 
everybody: He has 'spolien out' so often and s'o variously that he has 
spoken himself out of alluring breath and some of ,vou out of Congress. What 
a predicament you have gotten one another into! 

Postmaster-General Smith's Newspaper Reviewed by the 

Washington Post. 

" 'The Philadelphia Press is one of the quintet of Rftpubliean papers that 
support the Porto Riean tariff bill. The Press, referring to the passage by the 
Senate, with amendments, of the Porto Rico appropriation recommended by 
the President, says: 

'• ' '"There is no disposition anywhere to deal with the Island of Porto Rico 
except on the most generous principles. The return of these ,duties shows 
this, ^nd the pi-oposition to relieve the island of all but a va-y small frattion, 
15 per cent, of the Dingley duties, and then hand that lo per cent, over to the 
Island for the sole benefit of the Porto Ricans, is another example of na- 
tional generosity which some good people persist in misunderstanding, and 
spmenot so good misrepresent and distort for their own fell purposes. We 
do not believe they will succeed in deceiving the plain people or make them 
believe that It is dealing harshly with a people to collect a trifling duty on 
their goods and then hand the money collected back to them." 

"'There are few of the "plain people" in this country so doll as to be de- 
ceived by the flimsy pretense that the collection of a tax from individual 
Porto Ricans and then appropriating tlie proceeds for public works on that is- 
land is a fulfillment of our duty in the premise's. It is substituting charity 
for such just action as would place the people beyond the need of humiliating 
assistance. It is a violation of our pledged faith, a direct breach of the 
promise held out to the Porto Ricans when our Army landed on their shore. 
President Schurman, of the Philippines Commission, appears to be one of 
those "good people" who "persist in misunderstanding" this business, and 
therefore co-operate with "some not so good" in efforts to "deceive the plain 
people." He stands by and on the President's message calling for free trade 
with Porto Rico. He says: 

" ' "We are bound to this course by solemn promises. The supreme and 
irresistible reason for removing all customs barriers between the United States 
and Porto Rico is the promise made by General Miles, when first landing 
American forces oa the island, tUat the Porto Ricans should enjoy the same 


rights, privileges, and immunities as tlie people of the United States. Cln"'this 
understanding the Porto Ricans accepte,d American sovereignty, riot only'witli-^ 
out opposition, but with joyful trust and confidence. The present issue is 
simply this: Shall we repudiate or shall we fulfill the national engagements? 
Shall this great Republic break faith with the little island of Porto Rioo? 
Having secured the fruits of General Mifes's promise, shall we now renounce 
the promise?" , 

" 'Does tlie Press ijuagine that the "plain people" will fail to understand 
that? Is It not as clear as a ray of sunlight? And it goes to the country 
commended by the fact that the gentleman who wrote it possesses, in the 
most marlied degree, the respect and confidence of the President. 

" 'President Schurman not only stands on the President's message, but on 
the annual report of Secretary Root, ill which he said: 

"'"The liighest considora!tions of justice and good faith demand that we 
should not' disappoint the confident expectation of sharing in our prosperity 
with which the people of Porto ,Rico so gladly transferred their allegiance to 
the United States. We should treat the interests of this people as our own. 
I wish most strongly to urge that the custom's duties between Porto Rico and 
the United States be removed." 

" Is tliere any difficulty about the "plain people" comprehending that? And 
will they misunderstand es-President Harrison's declaration that he regards 
the Porto Rico tariff bill "as a most serious departur% f rem right principles?"* 
Senator Davis, of Minnesota, has .some influence with "the plain fieople." We 
suspect the Philadelphia Press has a very high opinion of his judgment. Did 
the Press follow him when he said to the Senate the other day, "What is the 
reason that this tariff rate, anomalous, unheard of, unprecedented, and tem- 
porary,, should be applied to Porto Rico while the other day a bill was passed 
ip the other House appropriating $2,000,000 for Porto Rico from the Treasury?" 

" 'There is an ex-Senator from Termont now residing in Philadelphia, for 
whose opiuiou on a constitutional question his countrymen, "plain" and other- 
wise, have as much respect as for that of any other living man. We r«Eer to 
George F. Edmunds, and cite his declaration that "the Porto Riean tariff bill 
is clearly nueonstiUiiional and violates all our agreements with and pledges 
to th6' Porto Ricans.'' 

From the Chicago Timos-Herald, March 7. 

"Let, UK hear from the great commercial centers, and first from that mar- 
velous Anierican growth— Chicago: 

" 'Senator Dayis of Minnesota has raised the true standard of American 
obligation? to Porto Rico, around which all Republicans can rally for the 
salvation of the party from the amazing blunder of the 15 per cent. House com- 
promise with our duty. Mr. Davis's free-trade amendment to the Senate bill 
comes not a day too, soon nor goes a step too far to save his party from the 
direful consequences of that unaccountable aberration from the straight path 
of national justice and honoii, 


"^'From every section of tie Union Republicans have called upon their Re- 
publican Representatives to undo the great wrong contained in the tariff 
provision of the Porto Rico bill. 

" 'We in the great West know that that demand Is almost unanimous 
throughout the Republinan parti, in this section. We know, too, that if it is 
compiled with— if the Republicans in Washington .act upon Senator Davis's 
amendment promptly--tbat in two weeks' time the mistake will be forgotten 
In thankfulness that It was remedied. 

" 'But If that wrong is persisted in— if the R^ubllcan party In Congress, 
through false jiride or in obstinate servility to the mysterious power behind 
the House bill, enacts its Porto Rico tariff into law, it will become the 
overshadowing Isaile in the Presidential campaign. 

" 'How can the Republicans meet such an issue? Up to the day Mr. Payne 
introduced the amended Porto Eico bill in the House, every report, pledge, 
message, and tradition of the Republican party was committed to the principle 
of no customs barrlei" between parts of the United States. Republican 
sopHlstries will be choked back into Republican throats by the report of Re- 
publican pledges, professions, and principles. 
A Tidal Wave of Indignation. 

" 'We do not know what (they think in Washington would be the result 
of such, a campaign, but here in the West we know that such a tidal wave of 
popular indignation would sweep across the prairies that the Democrats would 
capture the House of Representatives, even if they did not defeat President 

"'Senator Davis has shown, the path of duty to his party, which is the 
only path open for its salvation it can take and be forgiven, its blunders 
forgotten,' and Its campaign saved. It can refuse and prepare tor the pen- 
alty which fate exacts from those who despise the warnings of honor, jus- 
tice, and duty.' 

Senator Aldrich's Political Trick. 

" 'Senator Aldrlch could hardly have grasped the full meaning of his plea 
for the Senate's acceptance of the House Porto Rico bill. The argument he 
used was that an amendment would endanger the whole program, because 
it would make it necessary for the House to vote once more, and, as he said, 
"we do not know whether or not we can hold the House again." 

" 'On the supposition that this is a popular government, the Senator's 
own program thus appears as a political trick to defeat the popular will. Why 
is it that there is (ftubt if the House can be held again? Simply because the 
House has been hearing from the people. Having a regard for their repre- 
sentative character, as well as for their own convictions and the prospect of 
future punishment, the Congressmen feel that they have committed a mistake 
Which they should rectify. They recognize that the power which they wield 


is delegated to them by their constituents; that it belongs In tlie last resort to 
their constituents, and that it should be employed as those constituents decree. 

" 'This is undeniably the correct theory, but what is the proposed practice 
of Senator Aldrich? He admits in effect that there is no question alwut the 
trend of public sentiment, and then suggests -a betrayal. For the present the 
Gongressinen iave the advantage of position. They are in office for a fixed 
term and may do as they please. Therefore they should use their advantage 
In a way that is ajitagonistic to the people. 

" 'Naturally the question arises. What is the consideration for this con^ 
duct? The Senator would probably reply that It will be found in the In- 
terests of his party. But no party has an interest in offending the public. 
This persistence can be referred only to some organized, selfish force that is 
playing for a personal profit, and that force can be discovered only In the 

" 'Tq this complexion does it come at last. The implied alliance would 
drag down any party, however powerful.' 

Chicago Times-Herald, Marcht2. 

" 'It must be evident to the Government at Washington by this time that 
the treatment of Porto Rico as alien to our institutions, foreign, to our markets, 
and only entitled to our charity, contemplated in pending legislation, ofCends 
the universal sense of American justice and honor. When such a cool-headed 
and conservative constitutional lawyer and Republican as ex-President Har- 
rison says, "I regard tbe bill as a most serious departure from right principles," 
it is time for the Republican majority in Congress to face the situation with 
the courage and wisdom that dare to acknowledge a great mistake and undo 
a grievous wrong. Mr. Harrison merely packed into one sentence' the well- 
nigh unanimous sentiment of Republicans of the Mississippi Valley. ; 

" 'In the popular mind Porto Rico occupies a very different place from 
Cuba or the Philippines. It came under the protection of the Stars and Stripes 
more than wUlingly— gladly. The people do not forget, if politicians do, that 
We sent an army under General Sliles to conquer Porto Rico. That army 
went prepared to meet the fiercest resistance, not only from the soldiers of 
Spain, but from the inhabitants of the island. What was the fact? From the 
landing at the port of Ponce to the entrance Into San Juan the resistance was 
nonainal and the welcome was generous. General Miles and his soldiers were 
everywhere greeted as deliverers. When they entered San Juan the children, 
dressed in white, strewed flowers before the feet of our n^rching host. 

"Our Plain Duty," said the President. 

" 'Our conquest of Porto Rico was a peaceful ovation. There was no hag- 
gling over terms, no talk of independence, no quibbling about relations. 
General Miles pledged the protection of the Stars and Stripes, and Porto Rico 
accepted the pledge with all that it implied. 


" 'Whqn we contrast the attitude of the Porto Ricans, loyally accepting 
the situation and confiding theii- future without question or condition to the 
honor of the United States, with that of the Cutiajas and Filipinos, we under- 
stand how the American people feel bound to extend to the former ungrudg- 
ingly every privilege and benefit that American institutions, afford. 

" This sentiment was reflected in the report of Governor-General Davis, of 
the Porto Rico Ckimmission, and of Secretary of War Root. It was embedded 
in President McKinley's message of last December in words that met with 
instant approval throughout the Union. It seems little short of providential 
that the common will of 75,000,000' Anievicaus to less than a million Porto 
RiCans should have found such simple yet imperishable exnression in the very- 
heart of a state document of over 26,000 words long. 

" 'But there it is, telling us "our plain duty" in a sentence that cannot and 
will not down. 

" 'How came it that the President, moved by the same Impulse that yet 
sways the vast majority of his fellow-countiTmen, has permitted himself 
to lend his influence to the perpetration of a political blunder that has sent 
a shudder of apprehension tiiroughout the Union? It is a question' that is 
being aslMd in evei-y hamlet and home in the United States, and upon its 
answer depends more than was dreamed of in the mysterious meeting from 
which the Porto Rico bill came without a father and without a sponsor who' 
would give to it his name. 

Paternity of Bill Never Acknowledged. 

" 'To this day no man has aclinowledged the paternity of the bill, which, 
lilie a veritable apple of 'discord, tlireatens to bring disruption to a great 

" 'While we cannot trace the parentage of the Porto Rico" bltt beyond the 
doors of the Ways and Means Committee, it is not difiicult to comprehend how, 
having found its way into the House of Representatives, it became a party 
fetich that has involved Congress and the President in a serious conflict with 
popular sentiment. Having become a party measure, the well-nigh irresistible 
influence of party discipline and traditions was enlisted on its behalf. But 
even these were not strong enough to insure its passage through the House. 
A majority of Repul)licans were opposed to the principle of the bill and 
failliful to the thought aud purpose of the President's message. 

" 'The defeat of the bill was imminent, and the prestige of the Republican 
majority in the House was in peril. Then the President was appealed to. It 
was represented to him that nothing could save the party from humihating 
division and defeat but some sign that he receded from the recommendation 
of his message. The leaders of the party were permitted to stiggest that he had 
clianged his mind; but this was not sufficient to bring the recalcitrants into 
line. Tiie President was again ajjpealed to, and under pressure from the 
party leaders in the House he personally urged several Representatives to 
support the bill so as to preserve an unbroken Republican front, in the House. 


Fraught With Dire Possibilities. 

" 'Thus was the grievous blunder committed. How grievous and frajjght 
with what dire possibilities, not only to the Republican party, but to the 
country, neither CongTess nor the President could have foreseen. But they 
must realize now that the tariff section in the Porto Rico bill has aroused a 
stoi-m throughout the country that will not down. 

" 'If Congress and the President persist in their present course, nothing 
can save the Republican party from defeat next November. It will surely 
cost them the House of Representatives, and it may cost them the Pres- 

" 'Worse than any of these possibilities, It may involve the election of Bry- 
an, with all that that implies. 

" 'But one course is open to the Republican party. Let it face the Sit- 
uation with the only spirit that can compel respect in the presence of a stu- 
pendous, and humiliating blunder. Let it acknowledge the mistake and make 
haste to regain popular confidence by undoing the contemplated wrong to 
Porto Rico. 

" 'There is no shame In retreating from the verge of a precipice before 
taking the last irretrievable step. The only salvation for the Republican 
party is through the gate that gives free trade to Porto Rico. 
' " 'The country looks to President McKinley to rise to the full stature of a 
statesman who dares to acknowledge a mistake and to undo a wrong.' 

Chicago Inter-Ocean. 

" 'Men who are protectionists to the backbone, whose lives and fortunes have 
been devoted to -the advocacy of protection as a policy, will revolt and aire re- 
volting against the proposal to exclude the people of Porto Rico from full and 
free participation in the benefits of national trade and against a scheme 'to 
debar the jDeople of the United States from the advantages of free Inter- 
course with American territory that has been Avon by expenditure of their 
blood and treasure. Cuba and Porto Rico were not redeemed from serfdom 
in the spirit of the cry, "Help the trusts!" Nor are they to be admUiistered 
in such a spirit.' 

* * • • * ♦ * * ** 

"It is a pity this great though partisan newspaper cannot see a little 
further into this .great problem, and while recognizing thai Porto Rico should 
have a Territorial government within the Union, also recognize the gravd 
peril of retaining the Philippines at all— peril to our Institutions if we violate 
the Constitution by governing them as a province Inhabited by subject peo- 
ples, peril to both institutions and Industries if we govern them constitu- 
tionally— .is a Territory and a part oif the United States— their people ve.sted 
with (ho constitutional rights of freedom of trade, freedom of travel, and 
freedom of religion, and with local self-government. 


Chicago Tribune. 

"'Many lawyers who are competent to pass upon questions of this kind 
believe that any attempt to establish discriminating duties as against a part 
of the territory of the United States will be declared unconstitutional by the 
Supreme Court, and if this shall be the ultimate fate of the present bUl and 
all other measures like it, few tears will be shed by those members of the 
Republican party who are not controlled in their opinions by the financial 
or business interests of other people. * * * * 

" 'Instead of stlcliing resolutely and firmly to his original and righteous 
views regarding some great questions, the President has been persuaded by 
Incompetent advisers to abandon those views. He was right in the first in- 
stance as to Porto Rico. Had he stood by his own sound intuitions he would 
be now one of the most populaj^ men in the United States. 

" 'Unhappily, he was induced to abandon his convictions and give up an Im- 
pregnable position at the instance of a few special interests or of possibly 
disinterested but altogether ill-informed advisers. Nor is that all. He was 
Induced to bring his influence to bear upon Representatives to "get them into 
line." fie sent for recalcitrant members and absolutely entreated them 
to vote, against their convictions and against the wishes of their constituents, 
for a measure which he himself at the outset strongly and properly opposed— 
a bill which flew in the face of his own positive recommendations to Con- 
gress. There are some Republicans who cannot turn corners as sharply as 
the President can, and they are not sorry for their lack of flexibility in this 
, respect. 

" 'The President, without needing to do it, has assumed the whole responsi- 
bility for the passage by t^ie House of the maimed, mutilated, crippled, and 
Inadequate Porto Rico bill, a measure wliich eventually will be repudiated 
by both Houses of Congress. He might have kept his hands off and let the 
House "work out its own salvation In fear and trembling," and have 
looked to the Senate and a conference committee for judicious legislation on 
the subject. 

" 'A storm is gathering. The House Porto Rico measure will have to be 
sacrificed. It is soaircely supported by anybody. The 'three newspapers in 
Chicago which have stood by the President are against him in this matter. 
So is the Indianapolis Journal, while all Indiana is in a tumult and a fer- 
ment oyer it. It is evident that the feeling against the House bill is becoming 
more intense. The only mode of allaying it is for blundering leaders to ad- 
mit they have led the party from Its true course and promise an Immediate 
^return to safer ways. 

" There is need of a judicious "steering committee" in the House. There 

is still greater need of a pilot in the Cabinet. There is great need of fresh 

material there— of men who are not "amateurs" In politics, but who are ex- 

- perienced in public life, who are trained in the arts of statesmanship, and 

Who know the temper of Congress and of the people. Men who are aestitute 


of these qualifications, wlio are influenced by social conslderatiOBS.i in • JV^ftsibB- 
ington, and wlio deem it tlie acme o£ liuman felicity to he asked, tp, dia^ 
witli the -British ambassador are not fit constitutional advisers for an Amer- 
ican President, He should have at his council board men who looli at Amer-, 
lean interests from an American point of view. 

" 'This is what is needed. The sooner that need is met the better. If Pres- 
ident ilcKinley wishes to retain the confidence of the public, he will bring 
into his Cabinet before long advisers more sagacious than some of those he 
lias there how. Otherwise the feeling will go abroad that th6 Administration 
is nerveless, spineless, and without convictions, adopting good policies onlj^' 
to abandon them at the dictation of incompetent advisers.' ' ' ' 

* * ' * * * * « •' « • 

"Then the Chicago Journal, an independent paper, asserts that Spain her- 
self, with the worst Government in Christendom, was more just, generous, and 
enlightened in her dealings with Porto Rico than you are in yours-! Towhai 
are we fallen! ' ' ' 

Chicago Journal, Independent. . 


"'What did Spain ever do to, the present inhabitants of Porto Ejcothat 
was worse than the things the tobacco ring and the sugar trust,, thrp.ugh a 
lot .of servile Congressmen, are proposing to do to them, and to which Wil- 
liam , McKinley, . conscious of his "plain duty," to quote his words, seems, 
willing to assent rather than embarr;ass his party? , If that is, the spirit In. 
which Porto JRioo is to be governed, what have the inhabitants of the Philip^* 
pine Islands to hope for from submission to American rule?' 

"Thus sppaks the great city of the mighty West Let us hear from the 
London of the New World— New York: 

The New York Sun, Republican. 


" The essential justice of the situation demands that the free trade of 
Porto Rico, which the bill promises in two years, should be made to begin 

New York Times, Independent. 


'j'TlieoiDposition to this measure within the Republican party In the House 
is as nothing compared to the opposition, without regard to party, through- 
out the country The American people do not like, meanness; they do not like 
perfidy; they do not like cruelty. And with these base qualities the bill the 
House has passed is branded.' 

New York Mail and Express, Republican. 


"'The fatal weakness of the measure, we believe, is that, like most com- 
promises, it signifies nothing. It is neither free trade nor protectioai, im- 


perialistic nor anti-imperialistic, and therefore is just the legislation mat dem- 
agogues thrive on. It is so easily susceptible of misrepresentation that no one 
will fear conTlnclng refutation of his charges, no matter how he maligns it« 
purpose and spirit.' 

New York Evening Post, Independent. 


" 'The bill now goes to the Senate. The duty of ail who have fought it while 
it was before the House is to keep up that fight while it is pending in the 
Senate. Indeed, they should now redouble their efforts to avert the national 
disgrace involved in the enactment of the bill Into a law. 

" This fight should be made in behalf of the national honor.' Questions of 
constitutional construction are interesting subjects for discussion, but the is- 
sue of good faith in redeeming our pledges to -a suffering people Is the fun- 
damental one. That is the issue to keep before the American people until they 
force their representatives In the NatlonaJ Legislature to do justice.' 

Baltimore American, Republican. 


"'There should be no discrimination. Porto Rico should be made to feel 
that h'er interests are identical with our own. This cannot be done by raising 
a tariff barrier between her and this country. The recommendations made sev- 
eral months ago by President McKinley, Secretary Root, and Governor-Gen- 
eral Davis were made after fullest investigation and careful thought. They 
were then the wisest, considering all conditions. The true majihood of the na- 
tion, considering first the good of the people of Porto Rico, fails now to com- 
prehend how, in so short a time, those recommendations can be said to have 
been erroneous and opposed to the best interests of all concerned.' 

New York Evening Post. 


" 'President McKinley's attitude in tljis whole matter is to be discussed on 
higher than personal grounds. The poor figure he cuts as a man ^ye pass by, 
but as the incumbent of a great office he has brought humiliation upon 'it 
as well as upon himself. To "stand by" him is impossible for his most earnest 
supporters, since he does not stand by himself. No man can serve two mas- 
ters, nor a single master with two- minds, neither of which he himself kno*s. 
"!■ had hoped," sneered a Democrat in the Houfee yesterday, "that there was 
one question of which the President was not on both sides." 

" 'There was no answer to the taunt, for there could be none. Mr. McKinley' 
is quoted vehemently ,both for and against the Porto Rico bill, and he sits" si- 
lent under the open charge of double dealing. The only question on which 
he is known to have firm and unchangeable opinions is that of his re-elec- 
tion. It was the unconcealed threat to defeat that which set him to jujfiping 
Mck au^ fwtli over the Pprto Rico fence with such agility. But why couia< 


he not have confronted his sordid and minatory visitors, if not as a brave 
man, at least as a courageous President? Why did not his office, If not his 
character, make him despise. their threats?' 

New York World, Democratic. 


" 'The pretense that "all the money collected will go to the Porto Ricans" 
Is qf a piece with the rest of the fraud and hypocrisy auc^ robbery that are 
back of this bill. The duties paid upon the food and clothing of the starving 
and naked Porto Ricans will not go back to the poor wretches who pay them. 
It will go to the earpet-bag oflicials and other agents of the government that 
Mr. McKinley has set up there. 

" 'The bill violates the Constitution. It Imposes upon the Porto Ricans the 
tyranny of taxation without representation against which our forefathers re- 
belled. It violates the promise of General Miles to the inhabitants, never dis- 
avowed by our Government, that "Porto Rico under the American flag will 
enjoy the same privileges and the same immunities as the citizens of the 
different States and Territories of the Union." It makes of Porbo Rico a 
"crown colony" instead of an American Territory.' 

Boston Post. 


" 'We believe that the United States Government has no more right to col- 
lect duties upon goods imported from Porto Rico than upon the products of 
Oklahoma or Arizona. 

" 'This is the view held also by Congressman McCall, Congressman Little- 
field, and other Republicans who have an old-fashioned regard for the Oon- 
Btltution. And, however Congress mgj' vote on the question, it is the Su- 
preme Court of the United States that must finally decide it. The matter is 
of too great and far-reaching importance to be allowed to rest upon the author- 
ity of a majority of a party caucus. It might be permissible,' so long as Porto 
Rico and the Philippines are held under military rule, for the President, by 
his authority as Commander-in-Chief, to levy taxes and tariffs in extra- 
constitutional form. But Congress, which is itself a creature of the Consti- 
tution, cannot override or nullify the provisions of the source of its au- 

" 'This body is restrained by limitations which do not exist in the case of 
the Executive acting as the supreme military power. Sooner or later the Su- 
preme Court will have to pass upon whatever act of this character Congress 
may pass. This court is composed of six justices appointed as Republicans 
and three appointed as Democrats. But it is unlikely that party designations 
win rule In the judgment of this matter. Judge Brewer, as is known by his 
public utterances, does not sympathize with the imperialist policy. Judge Har- 
lan holds traditional ideas of the relations of Congress and the Constitution. 


In short, if the Republican tariff bill for Porto Rico is passed, there is a very 

litely chance that the whole scheme, including the Philippines and all the 

rest, may be rljiped up by the Supreme Court.' ^ " 

., ., 1 , 
Boston Traveler. ' ? ' , 


«' ' "Sold out" is the only fitting epitaph to describe an administration whose 
pledge to the world has been brolien, by whose recreancy to the high prin- 
ciples it caused to be promulgated the American flag is made to stand for in- 
direction and oppression, instead of liberty and relief for oppressed peoples. 
Shame upon President McKlnley for eating his own words, publicly spoken, 
upon the rights of Porto Rico. v ' ' ' ' , 

" ' "There should be no discriminating tariff against our new possessions." 
At the bidding of the great sugar and tobacco trusts he now says let them 
136 taxed withou.t representation. Let the Constitution be forced to permit or 
this grave injustice. /' " 

;, "'§old out to sugar and tobacco!' i < ,)..".' 

Philadelphia North American, Republican, March 8. 

"/It Is evident that what the leaders of both parties at the capital still need 
to learn is that the country is not thinking of tariff percentage or points of 
'constitutional construction in connection with Porto Uico. The people know 
Blmply that it Is our plain duty to tieal justly with the Inhabitants of this 
Xmerlcan Island; that our plain duty will not be done until the Porto Ricans, 
Who supposed they were becoming Americans when they threw off their al- 
legiance to Spain, are treated as Americans. 

" 'Anything short of that will be condemned by the sense of fair play, which 
the people of the United States have not lost. No flne-spun explanations of 
the necessity of sacrificing Porto Rico in order to establish a precedent for 
use In the Philippines will satisfy. If the Philippines cannot be retained with- 
out committing a crime against justice and liberty in Porto Rico, it is highly, 
probable the popular judgment will be that it would be better to turn the 
^Philippines over to the Filipinos than to hold them at any such cost. If 
freedom does not follow the American flag when it is carried beyond this 
tiontinent, then it had better be kept for use only where it d\>es mean free- 

".This Porto Rico outrage Is breeding a rebellion against expansion. If we;, 
are not to expand except as Imperialists, making ourselves hated as oppress- 
ors where we go, there will an Irresistible demand for the abandonment of a 
policy that cannot be brought into harmony with the Constitution and that de- 
nies to others the rights which' we claim in the Declaration of Independence 
for ourselves as natural and inalienable.' 



Philadelphia Ledger, Republican. 


"• " 'On the day, that tlie Republican maj^orilf of the House imposed upon 
Porto Rico the rigors of a. law intended to 06^:^ onfr. ^^sai^"* aliens-a law 
which, in the case of any part of this country,, is opposed by the Declaration 
of Independence, which presents as a just cause of the ReTolution taxation 
without representation, and which Is condemned by the Constitution, which 
declares that all Federal taxation must be uniform throughout the United 
States-several hundred of the people of Porto Rico, employed in the con- 
struction of military roads for the Washington Government, went on strike . 
to secure an increase of remuneration for their labors from' 3 to 5 cents per 

fiour. : „ 

'"It appears tliat these workingmen, recently brought under the benevo- , 
lent safeguard of the country's flag, are compeUed by the United States Gov- 
ernment's contractors to Avork on Government work under "the old flag" ten 
hours a day for 30 cents, or le«S than many of our workingmen here justly. 
receive for a single hos-r's work. 

" 'It would be interesting to learn what the Republican leaders in and out 
of Congress think of the contractors of tie Government who are constructing *| 
the military raUroads, paying a wage of 3 cents an hftur, or 30 cents for the 
labor of a ten-hour day, to their Porto Rico employes. It might be similarly In-- 
teresting to learn what our workingmen here at home think of their Govern, 
ment making all the money it can out of the Porto Rican workmen by levy- 
ing unconstitutional taxes upon them, upon the one hand, while on the 
other it pays them 30 cents a day on which to pay the taxes and sustain life.' 

Philadelphia Lodger, Republican. 


** 'The bill is a purely selfish one. It is directly in the interests. of two of 

the most notorious trusts in the country. If the sugar trust and the New Eng- . 

land Tobacco Association wef e ^out of the- way, there would be no eSort to 

starve the people of Porto Rico, under the plea of giving them a government' 

Philadelphia Record, Independent. 


" 'The bill in the form in which the House passed it should be dubbed the 
petty larceny bill, and for the credit of the country and to sa^e our weali- 
backed President from the disrepute of his own nerveless vacillation the Re- 
pubTican leaders in the iSenate should fall foul of it when it shall reach that 
body and strangle it in committee. The people of the United States stand 
pledged to a different course of action toward the unfortunate people of Porto 
Rico. They should make their pledges good in spite of protectionist repudi- 

TJut now, 'Ho, for the Middle West,' ludlanapolias 


irvdiatiapolis News. 



" 'Our friends in the 'Mfei lie^d not fear that -tile people and papers of 
Indiana will give up the flght against the Porto Rican tariff act. They have 
enlisted for the war. ^nd as the days go by the more olearly does it ap- 
pear to them that the President has made a grave mistalie— a mistake from 
every point of view. He has h'nrf his prestige, seriously wealiened the party, 
and injured the standing of the country in the "eyes of the world. After all 
the "explanations" that have been made, and in spite of the attempts to "edu- 
cate" them, the people of Indiana, unlike Mr. McKlnley, adhere to the opinion 
that we ought to do what the President said was "our plain duty." ' > 

Indianapolis Journal. , 

" 'If the attitude and policy of the Administration regarding the Porto Rican 
■ tariff bill are correctly fore.sbadowed by Washington dispatches, it will add 
another to the mistakes already made in tliis matter. It is said to have been 
decided upon af a Cabinnt meeting, to inaugurate a campaign of enlightenment 
and education of tljo people", in the belief that when they understand the 
Ifuestion in all its bearings they will withdraw their opposition to the House 
bill and admit that in the peculiar circumstances of the case a tariff on com- 
merce between the United States and Porto Rico is proper and necessary. 

" 'It Is said the campaign of education will include evidence that the pro- 
posed tariff Is only a temporary measure; that^it is necessary to establish a 
precedent for the Philippines, and that its real effect will be to give the 
Government a free hand in fosteritig Porto Eican industries. All this ground 
has been gone over. It is straw twice thrashed. 1 ' .1 , ' 

"The people have considered the matter frotu a broad and liberal poiot 
of view, without regard to temporary expedients or makeshift policies, and 
they are of the opinion that a fair construction of the Constitution in the inter- 
est of national honor and justice requires that the door to trade between the 
United Stales and Forto Rico, both ways, be thrown wide open. '. ; 

" 'No argument of political expedience or party advantage can lead the 
people to look at the matter .differently. They breathe a different atmosphere 
from that which sometimes perv.ades party caucuses and conferences la ■ 
Washington, and they must be permitted to reach their conclusions in their 
own way. No campaign of education is needed in ftis case. It is not only 
uiiBecessar.v, but it will be politicaDy injurious.' , ' 

" The .Tournal has already stated the reasons why, in its opinion, the bill 
should not be passed. Those reasons relate to the constitutionality ,the justice, 
the^jfairness, the wisdom, and the expediency of the measure. All the ar- 
guments In favor of it are based on sordid and mercenary considerations 


which should have no place in the poljcy of^ ^, great ^tion toward the people of ' 
a newly acquired territory. The bill should not be passed at all, and the 
two years' proposition does not help it any.' 

Indianapolis Press, Republican. 


" 'The American people do not take kindly to invasions of their primary 
lights. They see in this Porto Ilico measure— or if ihey do not now, they i 
will see later— a dangerous departure in constitutional cunstniction. It means 
a reversal of American ti-aditions. Porto Rico was led to expect liberal 
treatment, and was induced to welcome American control by promises which, 
if not very explicit, are none the less binding. Having lost the Spanish mar- ^ 
Isets as a result of the war, Porto Ricans may rightfully look to us tor as- 

Cincinnati Commercial-Tribune, Republican. 


" 'If permitted to sell their products in the United States free from duty ■; 
and buy what American products they need duty free, the Porto Ricans will 
be able to pay all the taxes that will be required to raise money for the ,. 
support of the insular goyerrunent. To give them less than this is to take ' 
criminal advantage of helplessness.-" ' < 

Louisville Courier-Journal, Democratic. ^ 


"'In December last the Republican party, speaking through" Its President, 
who owed his nomination— whatever may be true of his election— to his zeal 
for protection, said it was the "plain duty" of this country to give free trade 
to Porto Rico. Now, political exigencies may change. Policies must nec- 
essarily be modified to meet changing conditions. But expediency does not 
change the moral law. "The Ten Commandments will not budge." A "plain 
duty" in December is a plain duty in February. 

" The fear that an honest discharge of • this duty might change the vote 
of Connecticut or some other State next November has nothing to do with 
the obligation. The President has once or twice admitted that he has been 
coerced into doing certain things by the compelliwg force of the Almighty.* 
But "let no man say when he is tempted he is tempted of God; for God can- 
not be tempted with evil, neither tempteth he any man. But every man is 
temptijd when he is dranvn away of his own lust and enticed." No man is 
tempted of God to disregard a plain duty. Nothing can be clearer than that.' 

"Then there is a word to be said by Kansas City: 

Kansas City Journal, Republican. 


" 'Even If the bill pass both Houses and receive the President's signature, 


Hie fact v.'lll remain that Porto Eicans are being treated unfairly ana ungen- 
erously at the hands of f¥fc'<*6flMtiy froni -yhich they had aright to'texpect 
better things.' ' i'->u fcUn -i-- .,--, 

Detroit Tribune, Republican. 


, "'Congressmen, esijecially those from. Michigan, have been bombarded with 
letters and- telegrams tplliug them -to stacd. firm for free trade with Porto 
Rieo and the houor of the nation.- It remains be seen whether the people 
or the protected interests will conquon. The struggle is'belng watched by the 

" people, and there will be a day of reckoning for those Oongressinen who 
capifulate to the capitalists when they come up for re-election. . 

Hartford Courant, Republican. 


" "There is something very significant in those resolutions of the New Har 
v#n Chamber of Commerce, protesting against a tariff upon Pgtto Riean prod- 
ucts. That is a large and representative twdy of business men, made up 
without regard to polities. It was widely known that such resolutions were 
to come up, and yet there ^^as not an adverse vote. We must, admit that 
: the sentiment of the New Haven business men reflects the general sentl* 
ment oif the State, as far as we have tested -it. . The message of President 
McKinley, a recognized leader of protection, advocating free Porto Rican trade 
as a matter of justice, set the drift of thought all that way, and things are 
not especially different now from their condition wlyjn the message was 
read and received with applause in Congress. The feeling is widespread that ' 
we owe it to these people not 1:o choke them to death with our embi-ace of wel- 

" 'No question is settled until it is settled right. This question of fair play- 
to the Porto Ricans has not been settled. It has bebn evaded and postponed. 
Wo were bound—we are still bound— in honor and decency- and conscience 
to sec to it that the people are no worse off but better off for coming under the 
sovereignty of the United States. They had lost the best of their old markets. 
,We wore bound— and are still bound— to make that loss good to them. Our 
duty was our interest, too. Better a Uiousand times the appropriation out of 
the Federal Treasury for the urgent needs of the island which President Mc- 
Kinley had in view than the raising of the money by a tax upon its struggling 
ilndustries and a doniaUof its legitiinate hopes. 

"'What the purblind and blundering leadership in the House hasdOne is 
grievously to disappoint the people of Porto Rico, to chill and alienate thcia, 
and to put a now weapon in the hands of the Republican party's enemies. To 
say that to give free trade to Porto Rico would have been to recognize Porto 
Rico as an integral part of the United States is— with all necessar-y respect 
for a number of honorable Congressmen— to talk puerile nonsense. The Re- 
publican Senators have now an opportunity to do their country and their 


party a service of importaiice. Perhaps thes^^gj^-yj^eje it and improve It. We 
are not building any very sanguine hopes,,,j)n ,^es, chance, however.' , 
"From the far-off West, 'where Oregon tqEs,' tljiis: 

Portland Oregonian, Republican. 


" 'The probability, as the Oregonian supposes, is that the President, who 
said a -Rhlle ago that it was our "plain duty" to grant struggling Porto Bico 
free trade, has been badgered by selflsih protected interests into silent ac- 
quiescence in this bill. In the ancient day it was said: "There are three 
things that are never satisfied, yea, four things that say not, It Is enough." 
In the modern day there is a fifth. It is the "protected grafter." ' 

"From Milwaukee, 'where good beer is made,' this: 

Milwaukee Sentinel, Republican. 


'" 'If Congress does not do "our plain duty" by Porto Eico and give her free 
trade with ihis country, if It takes the other term of the alternative, the Por- 
to Ricaiis will be justified in looking with contempt upon future American 

protestations of disinterested affection.' 

Rockford (111.) Republic, Republican. 


" 'There is more danger in the Porto Rican bill than its promoters in Con- 
gress dream of in tffeir ostrich-like philosophy. The bill seems strong in 
the support of hired trust attorneys in the lobbies and occupying seats In both 
Houses of Congress, and they are striving with desperate energy to force it 
through in defiance of the most powerful and general popular protest that has 
ever been aroused by, proposed Congressional legislation.' 

' Peoria (111.) Journal, Republican. 


" 'That Porto Rico measure will sound the death knell of several Congress- 
men if thpy are not careful. When the people get in earnest they are not 
to be fooled with, and there is no doubt that they are in earnest in that mat- 

The Voice of Great Republican Leaders. 

"Ever since I have been in Congress there has been one giant Republican 
intellect that has towered above the rest of you lilce a giant among pygmies— 
sometimes narrow, intolerant, and bitter in his partisan zeal, but a marvel of 
quickness, penetration, and common sense, a great man— Thomas B. Reed. 

"He opposes your oriental expansion, colonial government, and imperialistic 

"Benjamin Harrison, cx-President, whom you have delighted In times past 
to honor, appeals to you to do justice under the Constitution to. the people of 


Porto Rico. Bx-SenatorMii4*iJ63^f'&-Seflator Henderson, Oarl Soiiurz, ex-Sen- 
ators Boutwell ana Shferiiife, '^'Seiiators Hoar, Mason, Davis, JProctor, and 
others— members of hoth'ikh\ik^'6i retired full of honors, I-cannot name them 
all— appeal to you to halt- Boo^rds of trade and commerce, Republican con- 
yentions, State legislatures join in the appeal. 
, ,"Yojir President has feald in his message: 

" 'It ^ust be. borne in mlnd^that since the cession Porto Rico has been de- 
nied, the principal marliets s"he had long enjpyed and our tariffs have been con- 
tinued against her products as When she was uiider Spanish sovereigBty. 
The marlcets of Spain are closed to her products except uponi terms to which 
the commerce of all nations Is subjected. The Island of Cuba, which used 
to buy her cattle and tobacco without customs duties, now imposes the same 
duties upon these products ds from any other country entering her ports. 
She has therefore lost her free intercourse with Spain and Cuba without 
any compensating benefits in this market. Her coffee was little known and not 
in use -by Our people, and therefore there was no demand here for this, one 
of her chief products. The markets of the United States should be oijened 
up to her products. Our plain duty—' 

"This is strong language: 'Our plain duty.' 

"A groat American, whom all good men love, once said: 'Duty Is the noblest 
word in the English language.' 

"Our 'plain duty'— 'plain' Is obvious, palpable, undeniable. 
' " 'Our plain duty is to abolish all customs tariffs between the United States 
and'TPdrfo Rico and give her products free access to our markets.'' 

Letter from Ex-Senator Henderson., 

"There is much worth hearing and" rememebriug in the following letter 
from ex-Sonator Henderson, one of the few left of the Republican 'old guard,' 
survivors from your better days: 

" 'To be a protectionist has been to fav:or duties on the commodities of for^ 
eign countries. Trade between the States and Territories of the United States 
has always been free and untiammeled. This freedom of trade was a sine qua 
non,of the Union. Without it the Union was originally impossible and with- 
out It the Union cannot endure. i 'Equality oif taxation is crystallized in the 
Constitution. To remove It is to break the great compact upon which it Is 
founded. ' ' '' 

■ -" 'If the protected Interest's shall be able to wage wars at the common ex- 
pense in order to create additional hojche markets for their products and then 
compel consumers here to pay tariff duties on the commodities of those an- 
nexed or subjugated countries, then the Union exists only for the purpose of 
dispensing bounties to the favored classes. 

" 'Porto Rico, if annexed at all, has been annexed by the common blood and 
treasure of the people of the United States. We knew its products before 
S-e took. It from Spain. One of these products is sugar. I do not produce su- 


gar; I am a consumer of sugar. My money has gone into the acquisition of 
this territory.' Have I not the same rights'^ iii tFe, p?oducts of this territory 
and its people that Mr. Oxnard has? He grovsfs s,>jgar_^d I consume it. Shall 
he talie the .whole benefit of the acquisition and I get nothing? I consume to- 
liacco and I manufacture cigars. I Beed both wrappers and fillers in my busi- 
ness of cigar mailing. 

" 'Conriisetieut alone of the present admitted States grows tohacco suitable 
for wrappers. It produces from 10,(^0,000 ,, to 15,000,000 pounds of these; wrap-, 
pers per annum, on which there is a tariff duty of $1.85 per pound. Oonneot- 
icut,. of conrse, is benefited by this enormous protective duty on foreign to^ 
baeco. But Connecticut demanded that Forto Rico should be brought into 
tlie United States.' It is now no longer a foreign State. It it now a partof tlie 
great Republic. Connecticut claims all the benefits of the transaction and 
leaves me none. It accepts the good and rejects the bad; or rather,, it ap- 
propriates the blessings and shufiJt- s ofC on me and others all the brudens. 

" 'I have a right, both constitutional and moral, to receive from Porto Rico 
free of fluty its oranges, its lemons, and other fruits. California and Florida 
object. On what ground? Simply because they are unwilling to accept the 
consequences of competition. The people of these States have the benefit of an 
enormous tariff duty on these articles, and they wish to force me still to 
pay them the bounties of protection. Is it right? Is it just to me and others 
who stand in tlie same situation? They know it is unjust. They know it 
is immoral and "against conscience. They know it Is unconstitutional. They 
vainly imngihe, however, that under the old slogan of protection to Amer- 
ican interests they can blind the people yet a little longer. What are Amer- 
ican interests? The interests of Porto Rico are now as much American in- 
terests as those of New York, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, or California. 

" 'Gentlemen of Congress, the only Way the settle your differences is to 
treat Porto Rico as a part of the United States. Give to it all the benefits and 
all the burdens of all your laws. Porto Rico must pay the same tariff which 
we pay on goods of foreign production, but not one cent on goods produced 
In the United States. Between us and Porto Rico trade must be free. Yon 
must cease to vote away money from the Federal Treasury as a cloak to coves 
political wrongs. The people see through the very thin gauze which mantles 
your pretended chai-Jty. , , . , , J. B. HENDERSON. ■ 

" 'Washington, March 27, 1900." , " . 
I* * * I* I * « •' • '« '*- 

"I have already made mention of the resolutions of the House of Repre-. 
sentatives of the State of Iowa. They were passed by a unanimous vote 
Of ihat Republican body. Here they are; 


'°^^^°r*° ^i^/" il'SaPgnburrent Resolution dondemning 
Tariff Measure ynanimously Adopted by the Lower 
Hoiigfe'df the Legislattire." ■ ''^'^'' ' 

" 'Des Jfolflesrldftra, March 22, 1900. 
"The House of RepreScntaViVes of the State to-day passed a concurrent 
resolution, by unanimous vote, declaring that the people of Iowa are unal- 
terably opposed to a Porto Ricaii tariff. Tlie resolution was messaged to the 
Senate, and will be taken Ufi4h:^' next' weel^.'- Rei^resentatives KendaU, 
Eaton, Byers, Theophiliss, Temple, Carr, and others made speech in favor 
of tlie resolution. While Republicans generally sympathize with the sentiment 
of the resolution, many of them regret its passage at this time, feeling con- 
fident as they do that Congress will not pass the tariff bill. 

" 'The resolution was introduced by Representative Kendall, as a^ amend--- 
ment to a resolution introduced by RepresentaUve Eaton, memorializing Con- 
gress to appropriate $5,000,000 for the St. Lotils Expositi5-n- in 1903. The 
Porto Riean resolution follows: 

"'"Be it resolved. That the people of Iowa are unalterably opposed to 

the establishment of any tariff duties between the United States and any ter- 

'. ritoty acquired as a result of the Spanish-American war, the people of 

which accepted the siovereignty of this Government -n'ithout resistance, and 

voluntarily passed under the juhsdiction of its Constitution and laws." ' 

Merchants' and Manufacturers' Association Condem Porto 

Rican Tariff. 

"I have quoted from the New York Board of Trade, and Transportation. 
Would their opinion be re-enforced by the expression of that of the commer- 
cial and manufacturing interests of Baltimore, the 'city of conservative busi- 
ness habits?' If so, dJgtJst this: 

"'Baltimore, March 21, 1900. 
" 'The Merchants' and Manufacturers' Association of this city, one of the 
leading commercial bodies of the South, to-day adopted, without a dissenting 
TOte, resolutions strongly condemning the Porto Rico tariff bUl and favoring the 
Nicaragua Canal. The resolution follows: , 

•' '.Resolved by the Jlerchants' and Manufacturers' Association of Baltimore, 
That we hereby express oul" conviction that justice demands the removal of 
all trade barriers between the United Statcis and our recently acquired col- ' 
cnial possession of Porto Rico, and that the inhabitants of the island of Porto 
Rico be admitted to the same rights and freedom Ln trade that are accorded to 
citizens of our own country. 

"Tlesolved, That we are opposed to the passage of any law by Congress 
.which provides for the imposition of taxes upon trade between Porto Rico and 
the United States contrary to the freedom of commercial intercourse which 
now prevails between the several States and Territories, and we therefore re- 
quest our Senators and Representatives in our Congress to advocate such leg- 
islation as will establish free interchange of commerce.' 

man «•(■!»»«* 


New York Sun, Sunday, April 1, 1900. 


" 'Providence, R. I., March 31, 1900. 
" 'At the ante-election dinner of tlie representatives of the Republican party 
held here to-day the speeches of Governor Elisha Dyer and Congressman 
Adin B. Oapron pertaining to the Porto Rican question were received enthu- 
siastically by the large gathering present, which represented every city and 
ipwn in the State. Governor Dyer said:- _ ' • . ; 

" ' "I believe it is the duty of every Republican to stand up, and with no 
uncertain sound condemn any course of procedure by Congress which brings 
into question the honor of the American nation toward those new peoples 
wbo have come under its protection. In the very beginning of the vrar with 
Spain, when It was uncertain what the result would be so far as added ter- 
ritory was concerned, the L'nited States went to Porto Rico; it made no ex- 
cuse that the island has been misgoverned by Spanish; it made no apologies; 
It said the island of Porto Eiio is the gateway to the Antilles. To treat these 
people now as if they were aliens, as if they had no rights at all, to have gone 
over and taken possession of their island, to set up our own Government, and 
then to impose duties upon them just as we would upon the people of Haiti or 
•Santo Domingo, is one of the most outrageous transactions that could be 
thought of. " * * * 

" ' "What a spectacle it will be to European nations, that this people, having 
been con(juered by us and brought into our field, should be tr'eated as stran- 
gers, and taxed without reason for bringing their products into our ports. We 
might just as 'Well tax the people of Block Island for the fish and farm 
products they send to the mainland as to tax these people of Porto Rico for 
what they bring to us. This question is one in which every Republican should 
be interested. I believe that before the time comes for the meeting of 
of the national convention in Philadelphia this question will be settled,, and 
settfed wiiJa justice and honor, not only to ourselves, but to the people who 
by every moral rigJit should be a part of our nation." ' 
"Mr. Oapron sjioke In a similar strain." 



a>5AJ8I,TIH7 V,< 

.11- • 




Great was thS outcry when It was discovered by General Grosvenor of 
Oliio that Mr. Loinuel B. Qnlgg of Xtfw Vork liaci revised out of , the original 
draft of the llepubllcan platform, agreed to by a sub-committee of the National 
Coilvontiou, a resolution Saving reference to the Porto Uico bill. That biU 
trampled down the coustitutioual right of the people, of Porto Kicp to equal, 
taxation. President Mcliinley, Secretary Eool and the House Committee on. 
Ways and Means had all agreed on a totally different bill, which recognized 
the right of the Porto Ricaus to free commerce with all the other ports of 
the United States. They had not then received any orders from the Sugar 
Trust. When Mr. Oximrd appeared before the Committee on Insular Affairs, 
having the bill under consideration, h? called a halt as the representative of, 
the sugar interest. From that hour the bill was never again heard of in that, 
Committee. ,The subject was transferred to the Ways and Means Committee, 
which promptly reported thewill of the Sugar Trust, as now recorded in the, 
Porto Rico law, treating tliat island as a foreign country, compelling it to pay- 
dutie.s on impOtts frora other United States ports, and in effect impasing an 
export tax on whatever it might send to the other pojrts' of the United States., 
The President allowed Us henchmen in Congress to bear the odium of this in- 
famous and unconstitutional act. He publicly stood upon his record against 
It, while working privately "tooth and nail" in favor of it, according to the 
public testimony of Speaker Henderson. In the Senate the task of engineering 
this measure of the Sugar Trust was imposed upon Senator Foraker. Between 
him and the President there is no love lost, and it is believed he is doomed to 
defeat for re-election if the President and Mr. Hanna can accomplish It. 

The lost plank in the platform reads as follows: 

We welcome the pnople of Hawaii, Porto Rico ana the Philipptnes to the fellowship 
of our republican Institutions, which will cari'i' light ana hope to the isles of the sea as 
tliey have to this great country; and to the people of Cuba, who have been maae the 
wards of this great country, while they are preparing for independent self-government, 
we pledge our best cnre and help, with the assurance that the plighted faith ot the 
nation will be faithfully redeemed. M^e reassert the principle which was the watch- 
word of the Republican party In Its first great battl^ of which Abraliam Lincoln waa 


the illustrious diampion, and on which he was elected President— that Congress has 
full legislative power over territory belonging to the United States, subject CftAy tb the fundamtntal 
sajtuuards of Ub rty, justice and perstmal rights. 

it Is said that Senator Foraker thought this declaration would J:o some ex- 
tent sercea him from the popular indignation which had been aroused, as well 
in Ohio as elsewhere, over the tyrannical act of Congress engineered by him 
in ihe Senate. 

The draft of the platform, including this resolution, has been credited to 
Postmaster- General Charles Emory Smith, who has not denied the soft im- 
peachment. It was understood to have been submitted to the President, and 
revised and corrected by him. It must havp given both these gentlement a 
great deal of trouble in its production. If the people of Porto Kico have been 
"welcomed to the fellowship of our Republican institutions" by the Porto Rico 
bill, then a baby, .roasted on a spit in its father's house, has thereby been wel- 
comed to the joys of the -domestic fireside. But if Senator Foraker thought 
this absurd statement would pass muster, through the thoughtlessness and 
icdifference of the Republican masses, why should he not have had the ben- 
efit of it? We rather think that after the sober second thought the President, 
and his platform expert, thouglit the absurdity of the statement too apparent 

The White House platform-makers started out to vindicate the Porto Rico 
bill, but, after first asserting full legislative power for Congress over the 
territories, they immediately found themselves compelled to admit that the 
legislative power in this country is always limited by the Cdnstitution, and 
they made haste to admit that th? Constitution does extend of its own piroper 
force into the territories. This they did by adding the words, "subject only 
to the fundamental safeguards of liberty, justice and personal rights." Thia 
is all that is contended for by any of those who claim that the Constitution 
controls legislation for the territories as well as for the States. There are 
portions of the Constitution which are not applicable to the States themselves 
or to their people. The power to make rules and regulations for the ter- 
ritories is plainly wTitten in the Constitution, but it has no more application in 
the States than the right of each State to be represented In the Senate has 
in the territories. 

If the administration had respected the "fundamental safeguards" which 
the Constitution provides, as well for the people of the territories as for those 
in the States, they would never have violated their right to equal taxation and 
to uniform duties in Porto Rico. It is probable that the President saw in the 
resolution above quoted a censure and not an approval of the Porto Rican Act. 
It is very dangerous to state a general principle, in defense of a flagrant, viola- 
tion of that very ijrinciple. The full legislative power of Congress,— and it 
always has "full legislative power" when it has any at all,— the full legislative 
power of Congress is always and everywhere "subject" to the "fundamental 
safeguards of liberty, justice and personal rights." 

Senator Foraker need have no regret that the improvident resolution was 
erased by Mr. Quigg, for had it remained in the Republican platform it would 
have been a rebuke to him and a stultification of his party. 




'■/ 1 lii' . 

Under the Act of Congress "Temporarily to provide revenuos~and a civil 
governmeut ^or Porto Elco, aud for otUci; purposes (especially for other pur- 
||tCrSes), approved April 12, 1900," a legislative department for that island was 
created which is patterned after the British dolonial system. It consists of two 
. Honses,— one the Executive Council, and the other the House of Delegates. 
The House of Delegates is to consist oit thirty-five members. These are to be 
'Chosen by elections at which "all citizens of Porto Rico shall be allowed to 
vote who have been bona fide residents for one year, and all who possess the 
Other qualifications of voters under the laws and military orders in force on 
the 1st of March, 19O0, subject to such modifications and additional qualifica- 
tions and such regulations and restrictions as to registration as may be pre- 
scribed by the Executive Council." According to this the elective franchise 
in Porto Rico is to be governed by existing laws and military orders sub- 
ject to any alterations that may be pleasing to the Executive Council, this 
mates it quite important, to understand how this Executive Council is to be 
Ct^eated. It is to consist Of eleven members, all of whom are to be appointed 
by.iPresi'dent McKiniey, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, and. 
It might be added, of the Sugar Trust, which controls the Senate in colonial 
Jiiatfers. Six of thesie me'mbers of the Council are also officers of the island, 
namely: The Secretary, Attorney-General; Treasurer, Auditor, Commissioner 
of the Interior and Commissioner of Education. Added to these there must^ 
be appointed by ths -President five other persons of good repute. Their term 
of office is five years. Five of these eleven "shall be native inhabitants of 
Porto Rico." The other six can all be from Ohio if the President and Mark 
Hanna see fit. It' should be stated that the majority of six may, under this 
law, all or any of them, be removOd by the President if at any time they do not 
give him gatisfaetion. This maizes Porto Rico what the British call a 
''Crotvn Colony." It makes the President Imperial monarch of the island. It 
places Ihtlie hands of eleven men appointed by him the power to disfran- 
chise all cJti^eus who may be opposed to his administration, so that the 
House of Delegates as well as the Executive Council constituting the ,TJpper , 


House of the Legislature, will be under his absolute control. Tlie great body 
of the people, of Porto Rico are of .Eurgpeas ,4es«ent and white people, but 
this law subjects them to the British coloBiftli;System which prevails in Brit- 
ish India, Ceylon and Honglioag. lu East ,]fiftd^a,-ithere are three hundred mil- 
lions of natives and about a hundred thousand Englishmen. In Ceylon there 
are three millions of people of whom only eight thousand are Europeans. 
There is one defect in this Porto Rico Act. It ought to provide for the cre- 
ation of the office of "Secretary of State tor the Colonies," -and this office ought, 
lor the first ten years, to be held by an Englishman who has had experience 
under the British government in her East Indian possessions. This omission,'.: 
however, can be supplied at the next session if this British colonial policy shall , 
be endorsed by the American people by- the re-election of President McKinley. 

Although the salaries provided for our officers who are to govern Porto 
Rico are very liberal, we can learn much from our British cousins on this 
subject. For example, the Governor of Porto Rico receives an annual salary 
of ?S,000 per year. The British Governor at Hongkong receive^ $32,000 per 
year. The Secretary of Porto Rico receives ?4,000 per year. The Colonial 
Secretary of Honglcoug receives $9,720 per year. The Attorney-General of 
Porto Rico receives ?4,()00 per year. The Attorney-General in Hongkong re- 
ceives $8,400 per year. Tlte list of officers, however, in Porto Rico is much ' 
longer than those in Hongkong. , ' , ' ■ 

It cannot he doubted that under the fostering care of Mark Hanna, a 
second administration of McKinley would bring our colonial system fully up 
to the British standard. It is possible that in following the British system, 
Mr. Hanua may decide to begin at the beginning and farm out Porto Rico 
and the Philippines to a corporation similar to the old East India Company, 
which for a hundred and fifty years ruled and plundered that vast empire un- 
der a license from Great Britain. It is only forty-two years since the Brit- 
ish Parlia-ment' substituted the present system of government in India for the 
former rule of the East India Company. As this' was a voluntary act of 
Parliament, so it could again turn the people of East India over to a corpora- 
tion. If Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands are not under the protection of 
the Constitution of the United States, as the Republican leaders say is the 
case, Congress has the same power over that island that the British Par- 
liament had over the East Indies. If the Republicans remain in power, there 
'Is no reason why they may not turn this island over to the absolute govern- 
mental control of a private corporation as England did in the case of her East 
Indian conquests. Indeed such a corporation might be invested with the 
power to conquest as was the East India Company, and Jbe authorized, as 
'was that company, to raise armies and exercise the general powers of sover. 
eignty. We have business men who could organize such a company. and con- 
duct it on business principles. For the possibilities under such a system read 
the speech of, Edmund Burke in the impeachment trial of Warren Hastings. 



If the Ain<Tican peopl&'^MSltifiy'%fiiie^bsolutism of tbe McKinley administra- 
tion -and its disregard oS^dfiStMiBSaal limitations, nothl-ng lias 'ever been done 
in tle'Britisli East Indr^''to-S.¥'ftfay*not iow be repeated in the Bewly acquired 
' ten'ikiries of the Uuited-SHit^s. 



In the delDate of Jlarcb 31st, 1900, on the bill making approiiriations for 
fortifications, etc., Miy Richardson oi Tennessee called attention' to the. ex- 
penses brought upon this country by the Republican party since the present 
. acjininlstratio;! came into power. He said: . ' '. i; ;• ; 

' i have a statement liero wliicli sliows tlio cutire expenses of the Government for all 
riii'poses approprialecl for the two years immediately preceding the late war with Sp.iin. . 
Take the appropriations for the flscafl year which ended Jnne 30, 1807, and for the 
fiscal year which ended June CO, 1S08, the two years, and compare the appropriations 
for 'the three years which immediately followM— that is, for the fiscal year which 
ended the 30th of June, 1899, for the fiscal year which will end June 30, 1000, and for 
thn_ fiscal year which -s^ill end 1901. 

The app'fdpriations for 1897 were; , 5460,490,010,41 

For fiscal year ended, Jnne 30, 1838, they were 483,002,044.72 

A total for the. two years of 934,496,035.13 

This was an arterago each year of ~. , ^ 477,248,027.56 

Now taUe appropriations for fiscal year 1899 803,2.'il,Gl."i.53 

Now take atiproprintions for fiscal year 1900 071,031,022,20 

Take the estimates and appropriations for 1901 767,830,540.94 

The total for the three years is 2,338,003,178.78 

Or an average each year of '. (78,687,723.26 

The average per year before the Spanish war was 477,248,027.56 

' Whifch shows an anmial increase of 301,430,698.70 

Or, as I have, already stated, iiii increase in three years over v,'hat the appropria- 
tions would have been "but for the change from n republic to. an empire of over $000,-, 

I ,lo not charge that all this alarming increase is due to the policy of imperialism, 
for s;)me of it bclon.^'s legitimately to the war witli Spain. But when that war ceased, 
the war expenditures should also cease. They cannot grow less under the sr,and«ur 
and glory of the policy of imperialism. 

Mr. HKMteNWAY. Will the gentleman yield to me for an interruption? ^ 

.Slir, RIICIIAttDSON. Yes. 

Mr. HKMENWAY. Did the gentleman oppose the expenditures for carrying on the 

Mr. RICHARDSON. No; I am ncft opposing the e-xpenditures, and did not oppoSa 

Mr. HEMBNWAY. In your figures are the expenses for carrying on the war lUf 

Mr, BI0HARD5ON. Y&9. 


Mr. HKMBNWAT. Does the gentleman think that Is a fair comparison? 

Mr. lUCHAKDSO.N". Yes. You are not approprla;ting lor 1901 lor expenses of carry- 
ing on the war, but for expenses made necessary by your policy of Imperialism. 

Mr. HEMENWAY. Does the gentleman deny that the appropriation for the fiscal 
year 1801 will not be largely 'Increased as a result of the war? 

Mr. WILLI.iMS ol Mississippi. That is an insurrection growing out of the empire. 

Mr. RICHARDSON. Let me ask my friend In charge ol the appropriations, an4 
whii knows more about them than I do, what is there in the appropriations for 1901— 
the fiscal year which will end about fifteen months from now— what Is there in that 
budget of expenses that Is chargeable to the war with Spain? 

Mr. HEMENWAY. Is it not true that we have a large expenditure In the Phlllpplaei 

Jtr. KICHARDSOX. Certainly; that is what I am talking about 

Mr. HEMENWAY. Is the gentleman in favor of discontinuing those expenses and 
withdrawing our arixiy from the. Philippines? , 

Mr. EICHARDSON. I am not undertaking to say that all these expenditures are 
Improper. They are proper, many of them, and we are compelled to vote lor them by, 
reason of the policy you are pursuing. 

' Mr. HEMENW.4Y. If it is a proper expenditure, and you are compelled to Tote lor 
It, iWhy do you criticise it? 

Mr. RICHARDSON. Because of the policy of your party. The administration ol the 
country by the Republican party Is now entailing upon this country, by reason of its 
policy, which we' must carry out under all the conditions, necessitates an annual ex- 
penditure of' more than $3(K),non,OOn more than it was necessary to spend before your 
party came into power and entered upon the present policy. 

Mr. HEMBN'WAY. But the gentleman 

Mr. RICHARDSON. I cannot yield to the gentleman further. He has got all the 
time, and I only took the floor to emphasize the fact that It is gding to cost us three 
hundred millions more year by year and every year as long as this policy Is continued. 
I want to get away from this policy and turn back. 

Representative Livingston of Georgia, the ranking minority meml)er of the 
House Co rimittee on Appropriations, is authority for the following statement aa 
to appropriations: ■, ; I ■ ' i , ' ! ' ,' '.' ','• ' ■ 

"I beg,", he says, "'to o^ll the attention of the House and the country to the fact that 
notwithstanding the enormous appropriations for 1900 on account of the Spanish-Cuban 
war, the army and navy appropriations for this session are $50,000,000 in excess of those 
lor the last session. Also that in every department of the Government we have 
increased at this session the amounts authorized at the last session. And when to the 
aggregate wo add the amounts that should have been appropriated at this session, baf 
which have Veen defei'red, for no good reason, or at least for reasons that need explana- 
tion on the pact of those in control, we would have a. grand total, of $879,729,473 lor 
this session alone. 

"in' the case of the appropriations for the navy the authorization of the eight new 
warships involves an ultimate expenditure for construction, armor and armament ol 
something like S;o6,000,000, not one dollar of which is now apprapriated for and does not 
figure in the'navy item, but must be met in future years. 

"The dominant party attempted to commit this Congress at this session, and , doubt- 
less will renew their efl'orts at the coming session, to, commit the Government to what 
Is known .is thp ship subsidy scheme", which involves 'the sum of $120,000,000 to be 
expended throughout a term ol years." ^ ' 

War Taxes. 

To provtde for the expenses of our -war with Spain, Congress passed Juno 
13, 1808, the bill known as the War Revenue bill. This bill authorized the 
Issue of bonds to the amount of $400,000,000, the coinage of the silver bullion in 
the Ti-easury, and the issuance of certificates of indebtedness to the extent 
Of flOOiOOOjOOO, It further provided for special taxes, stamp dvities,. etcj 


The Secretary of the Treasuiy under this authority sold bonds to the ex- 
tent of $200,000,000 and proc&ci4«4 to coin the silver ballion and ooUeetea war 
taxes which tip to March 31» 1900, aggregated $183i405,292. ■ - -■ 

- War was declared April 21,' 1898; the iieaee protocol was signed' August '10, 
and the treaty of peace was signed December 10 of that year, was ratified by 
the Senate February 6, 1S99, and ratiticatiOns exchaiiged April 1-1, 1899, -but 
the war tax which was passed with thfi distinct understanding that it was 
only a war measure not only stands unrepealed, but there is no promise or 
sign of its-repeal.' -" ■ ■ •-- 

Discrimination in Favor of tlie Rich. 

The tax falls mainly on the poor and the rich are largely exempt. Beer 
and tobacco are consumed b^ the poor, and it'is the consumer who in the 
fend pays the^ tax. "The consigner and not the corporations pays for the 
stamps 'for t'fSmsm'igsiOn of 'freight messages and packages. A lease for a 
cottage is taxed as much as one for a man.sion, a bank check for $5 the 
samfe ks one 'for' a mllMon; and a bill of lading for a baiTel of potatoes as much 
as one ^fbr a 'cargo or a train "lokd of products: 

The rich are reached to a small extent through" the tax on legacies, bank- 
ing CEtipital, 'bonds,; etc., th^ total of which can hardly aggregate $8,000,000 a 

This war tax igsacuBnihgly devised that the larger part of it is collected 
from the people withibiit their realizing it, or being able to know what they 
are paying. 

The scheme is not new, the statescraft which devised it was long ago ex- 
posed by. William Pitt, who said:. "To levy a direct tax is a dangerous experi- 
ment in a free country- and may excite revolt. But there is a method by 
which you may tax the last rag from the back and tlie last bite' from the 
mouth . without a murmur against high taxes; and that is to tax a great 
many aTticles of daily use and necessity so indirectly that the people will 
pay them and not know it." 

The War Tax Must Stay. 

"A' number of bills were introduced In ttie 56th Congress to repeal In whole 
or in part, which were til put to sleep in tlie committees. The Republican 
administration would not even allow a vote upon any of thejn. ' I ; 

A small tax is imposed on telephone companies, petroleum and sugar re- 
fineries, pipe lines, .palace and parlor car companies, but there is nothing in 
the law to prevent these corporations, or the' rich. brewery and tobacco com- 
panies, or the owners Of patent medicines, 'from increasing prices or charges, 
thus shifting the burden from their own shoulders to those of the patron and 
the consumer; even the tax on legacies can in part be avoided by ante-mortem 


■We thus see that only about 6 per cent, of the wav tax is borne by the 
capitalistic class. 

According to the United States census bulletin No. 98,^ issued January 24, 
3895, the rich, who constitute only 9 per cent. oJ: our population, own 71 per 
cent, of the wealth. It therefore appears that the few rich who own more 
than two-thirds of eve;ry thing pay only about one-sixteenth of the war tax, 
while the middle and wage-earning classes, who coniti ute 91 per cent, of the 
people and "who awn less than one-third of the wealth pay about fifteen-six- 
teenths of it. ' 

As such discrimination in a monarchy would be tyranny, so in a republic it 
is nothing less. ' 

Records of the Two Parties. 

The position of the two parties is this: The Republicans opposed and the 
Democrats, favored the repeal of the war tax. This is shown by the following 
taken from the Congiressional Record of May 23, 1900, pa^es 63, 62-64.: 


Mr. PAYNE. Mr. Speaker, I am authorized by the Committee on Ways and Means 
to present the following resolution and ask unanimous consent for its present consid- 

The CIerl£ read' as follows: 

"Uesoired, That tlie Committee on Ways and Means have leave to sit during the recess 
to consider the subject of the revision and reduction of the war revenue taxes." 

* mm* • « « * « 

The question has been aslced why a bill was not brought in at this session for the 
reduction of the revenue. I will state briefly the reason why we are adjourning with- 
out doing it. 

The committee have had some hearings of various interests in the country, pressing 
forward to be heard, on the subject of the reduction of the war revenue; and after the 
committee had got into those hearings they found that nearly every jjerson who had 
to pay any of the revenue taxes was not qniy willing but anxious to have those 
taxes removed from his. particular industry. 

« «•• *^« • * « « 

So that the committee found that if they, wished to please all the people of the 
tJnited States who think themselves. injured .by this war revenue act, who have com- 
plained of the taxes paid under it, we would have virtually to repeal this war revenue 
act, or wipe out from the statute books more than $100,000,000 annually of taxation. 
That, would result, of course, ijjij^a deficit to the Treasury of the United States. 

These are some of the considerations, Mr. Speaker, which have led the committee 
to think it unsafe to undertake to perfect a reyenue bill during the recess, when a bill 
may be framed that may be brought In next December and passed through the House. 

Mr. RICHARDSON. I wish to say that in my opinion this Congress ought not to 
adjourn until some jirovision is made for the reduction of the war taxes. We can get 
along without the enormous sum now heiiig collected under the war tax measure. The 
Secretary of the Treasury has shown by his report to Congress that the surplus at the 
end of the present fiscal year will amount to nearly $90,000,000. Now, Mr. Speaker, 
that being true, the gentleman from New York may juggle with figures, he may use 
figures to disguise this fact, but his Secretary of the Treasury tells us that there will 
be an enormous surplus growing out ot the revenues for the present fiscal year. This 
being true, this Congress ought not to adjourn, I say, until It makes provision for some 
relief to the people from these onerous taxes. 

I know when the war tax measure passed It was claimed that It was an emergency 
measure. The war came suddenly, and It was necessary to enact hasty legislation; but, 


Mr. Speaker, tills Congress has been in session six or seven months In a time of pro- 
found peace, and no effort whatCTer has been put forth by the majority to give the 
people any kind of lellef from this burden of tasation. And now they propose to 
adjourn. : . ." . ,;■_: •■ _ j, . :.-,..> .'.l- 

The gentleman from New Yoit; has made a statement about' what occurred, in com- 
miftee. I do not like usually to do anythjng'of that kind, but hehas said't'hat "this 
motion to adjourn met opposition from the minority, after voting' oh certain 
preliminary motions. -.,",.:,_ 

Now, one of those preliminary motions, Mr. .Speaker, was ^ resoliitipn, instructing that 
committee to report a resolution or a bill forthwith 'to reduce 'the war tixgg 50~per 
cent, before we adjourn, the bill to take effect July 1, 1900. .That they wlJl not agree 
to do. That would give some measure of relief to the people. 'Why not pass such a 
resolution? It can be passed in forty-eight hours or less time. Then if the gentleman 
adm'ts that the war tax measure was hastily prepared and that it will take time to 
prepare a measure to take its place, then if he thinks it is necessary for the 'Ways and 
Means Committee to sit during the recess in Order to prepare a safe and wise measure 
making further reduction, this side of the House would not object to it, I venture to say. 
'We are for any measure or any resolution and for any fair and reasonable steps that 
will reduce the burden of taxation now resting upon the people. (Applause.) 

Hov/ the People's Money Goes Under Imperial Rule. 

The folio-wing Is compiled from TJ. S. Senate Document, No. 453, 56th Con- 
gress, 1st session, as compiled by Thomas B. Cleaves and James C. Courts, 
clerks, respectively to the Senate and House Committees on Appropriations, 
and prepared and published by authority of \a,-w. Its accuracy may be relied 
on. It illustrates the difference of the cost of the Republic against the Empire, 
but is only the beginning: 

Total number of new offices created by the first session of the 56th 

Congress 5,069 

Total amount of salaries attached to same ^ $4,537,673.77 

Total number of offices abolished by the first session of the 56th 

Congress 2,7S9 

Total amount of salaries attached to same 1,944 658.00 

Net increase in numbel- of offices created by the first session of the 

, 56th Congress ...■ 2,270 

Increase in, salaries of new offices created by the -first session of the 

56th Congress 4,537,673.77 

New offices Specifically named (as above) 

New offices created by increase of appropriations or other law not 

iflcluded in above, amount Of each salary not being specified.... 2 721307 84 

<* — — 

^o'*' $7,253,081.61 

Total decrease in salaries by abolishment of, by first session of 50th 

CongiQii : $2,024,218.00 

Net increase in one sessioh r.^-,, oca «, 

Net increase in number of new offices 2 ''70 

Amount of salaries attached to same ; '" ^ ^zi 663 d 

Number of old offices Increased in salaries 4^9 ' ' 

Amount of salaries attached to same .oo^-nn-- 

133,029. ro 

Grahd net of new offices created and old ones increased in 
one session 


Salaries attached to the same , t- oco h„., n« 


Attention is called to the astounding facts shown in this statement. The 
total increase in number of new offices created and salaries increased in the 
old ones Is 2,7-J9; while the increase in the salaries amounts. In the aggre- 

COST 6f imperialism, 213 

gate, each year, to $5,368,193.36. This does not include the numberless com- 
missions appointed by the President with salaries attached. 

This document shows also that the appropriations for one year made by 
this first session amounted to $710,150,862.88. 

in addition to this it shows that the amount of contracts authorized lay ap- 
propriation acts In addition to appropriations made therein is $58,440,374. 

The total being $768,591,236.88. 

This latter sum does not include the indefinite appropriations, which Aiuouiit 
to many thousands of dollars. 


PART FIVE.— The Trusts. 



The Republican party has been delivered by false leaders into the hands 
of the trusts. When trusts are on trial it sits as a corrupt judge, and, at the 
same time, acts as counsel for the defense. In the magnitude of their cap- 
italization, the trusts organized during BIcKinley's administration exceed all 
others that have been formed since the foundation of the Government. The 
millions contributed towards McKinley's election in 1896 proved a good in- 
vestment for the trusts. Certain of his support for every scheme their avar- 
ice could devise and their astute lavryers formulate, with a Congress quick 
to record their will, they have only to seek new worlds to conquer. The bold- 
est stroke. they have yet made is their proposition for an amendment to the 
Constitution to subject all corporations ■ and trusts to the Federal control- 
Congress to control trusts, with trusts to control Congress in the control of 
trusts. Nothing could be more simple. When the President undertook to 
set up for himself for a few days, and antagonized the idea of treating Porto ■ 
Rico as a foreign, country by imposing customs duties on Porto Rican ports 
in their commerce with all other ports of the United States, and when Con- 
gress was about to enact the President's view into law, Mr. Oxnard, the over- 
seer of the Sugar Trust, with one crack of his plantation whip, brought the 
President, the Secretary of War, and the House Committee on Ways 'and 
Means trembling to his feet. The President and Congress immediately re- 
vej'sed their position, declared the people of Porto Rico to be out of the 
United States and enacted a tariff law in violation of what the President had 
saia was "a plain duty" and what the Secretary of War had said was de- 
manded by "justice and good faith." With equal alacrity the Armor Plate 
Ti-ust dictated to Congress legislation to take off all limits on the price to be 
paid for armor plate for our new war vessels and compelled that body to 
delegate to the Secretary of the Navy the legislative power of determining 
what price should be deemed reasonable. 

These two illustrations clearly show the wisdom of the trusts in confiding 
to Congress the power to regulate them and requiring that body to advocate a 
constitutional amendment giving itself supreme gower over the subject. 


This would give us a govomment of the trusts, for the trusts, and by the 
trnsts. ^ 

If the American people shall determine to break the poTver of the trusts 
they must first take the government out of their hands. Wendell PhiUips 
eaid years before he died that the Republican party was dead and that a 
tramp was walking around in its grave-clothes. The Railroad Trusts, the Su- 
giar Trust, the Standard Oil Trust, the Iron and Steel Trusts, the Coal Trust, 
the Beef Trust and their kindred organizations are in the saddle. They are 
our "rough riders." Their will is obeyed by a Republican President and a 
Republican Congress. Their power will increase and their arroganee'swel! as 
their inile is continaed through the assignment made to them of the Republican 
party's power by Hanna, McKinlcy and Company; It is not only vain but 
ridiculous and absurd to discuss remedies for the trusts with the political 
agents of the trusts themselves. 

Take the government away from the trusts. There will then be no difficulty 
In squeezing the water out of the stocks of trusts and corporations, and in 
compelling them to deal Iionestly with the stockholders and with 'the pijbllc, 
by the cc<sessary and proper exercise of the power to regulate commerce and 
the power of taxation. ' 

' Mr. Bryan's Bill in Congress. 

On the 26th of May, 1SS2, Mr. Bryan introduced in the House of Repre- 
eentatives a bill to amend the "Act to Protect Trade and Commerce against, 
unlawful restraints and monopolies." Its passage then would have done more 
■ for the people of the country than has been done by any Republican Con- 
gress in twenty-five years. It was in the form of an additional section, and 
read as follows: 

BftC. 9. That svlipnovcr any Circuit Court of the XJnitprl ?.f;atp.=i r,fca!l floil In ?. case 
ponding before it under this .let that any contract,, comhinatJon iu the fnrjp of trurt or 
otherwise, or conspiracy in restraint of trade or ennamerce Mmong the several States, 
or with forelKn nations, exists In respect to any article or artic'ps upon which .any 
duties are levied by the then existing tariff laws of the United States, it shall, be the 
fluty of the court to report the f.iOts so found to the President of the United .States, 
' setling forth speoilicaliy eaeh-and every st:cn article. It shall be the duty of the Presi- 
dent of the United States, upon tie receipt of such report, to issue his procjaniacion 
placing each and every such article, when imported into the United States, upon the 
free list, and shall fix the time, not exceeding tl-jrty days tvcin the receipt of th.e find- 
ings of the court, at which such article .ir articles chall be .admitted free of duty. And 
on and after the date fixed !u sai;! proclauiation such article or articles shall,, when 
Imported into' the United States, be aamitted free of duty: "rovided, That whenerec 
such article or articles are subjected to a tax under the internal revenue laws of the 
United States, the duty on such article or articles shall be eaual to such internal revenue 
tax. And from and after the date fixed by the proclaiisation such article or articles 
shall' be admitted, when ira'ported Into the United States, subject to a duty equal to the 
Internal revenue tax ou said article or articles. 

The Republican Anti-Trust Fund. 

Following is the proposed amendment to the Constitution with which the 
Republican mana-gers insui'-wl the ictelliisence of the United States at the 


close of a six months' session of a Congress strongly Republican In both its 
branches, . ^ ■ ' 


Section 1. All powors conferred by this article shall extend to the several States, the. 
Territories, the District of Columbia, and all territory under the sovereignty ^nd sub- 
ject to the jurisdiction of the United States. 

Sec. 2. Congress shall have power to define, regulate, prohibit, or dissolve triists,' 
monopolies, or combiiiations, whether existing in the form of a corporation or otherwise. 

The several States- may continue to exercise such power in any manner not iu conflict 
with the laws of the United States. 

Sec. 3. ^Congress shall have power to enforce the provisions of this article by appro- 
priate legiSflation. 

This absurd proposition contained the elements for its own defeat. Tt wa^ 
self-annulling. Had there been the least possibility of its adoption, it could 
not have received a single Republican vote. A reading of its second section 
will show any intelligent man that it was a dishonest triclt intended to de- 
ceive the people into the belief that it was an ^nti-trust measure. That sec- 
tion not only provides that Congress shall have the power over trusts and 
monopolies, but also over all "combinations." A partnership between any two 
individuals foT any purpose under the sun, however Jionest, is a "combinalion;" 
and under this mock anti-trust Republican proposition Congress could have 
prohibited the carrying on of a bootblack stand by any two persons: A trust 
Congress, like the one now in existence, could, undei* such an amendment to 
the Constitution, pass laws asserting exclusive control over all business in 
which more than one person is engaged;. and no State legislature could then 
exercise any power at all without being "in conflict with the laws of the 
United States.". The proposed amendment did not have its origin in Ignorance 
as some might suppose, but in pure insolence. It presupposes ignorance on the 
pfirt of the great body of the people, and a total disregard of the opinions of 
others. Tt is such an amendment to the Constitution as might have been 
framed by the counsel for the Standard Oil Company, tbe Armor Plate Trust 
or the Sugar Trust. 

It would be as vain to expect to gather figs from thistles as to look to a 
Congress owned by the trusts for an honest proposition for legislation to in- 
terfere wiih the trusts. , 

Elasticity of Republican Construction When They Want to 

Use Power. 

The Hon. John J. Lentz, of Ohio, in a speech in the House of Represeata- 
tives, June 1, 1900, thus addressed the Republican members on their pre-, 
tenSed desire to amend the Constitution to avoid doing what can be done 
without an amendment: 

You are very. anxious to amend the Constitution under which you established des- 
potism in Porto Kico, the Constitution undir which you established a trust of carpet- 
bag thieves in Cuba lapplauso), under which you paid bribes and pen.siops to Moham- 
medans and polygamists in the Sulu Islands (laughter and applan.<!e). the Constitution 
under which you Lad power to shoot to death a congress of Christian people In Luzon 
Who had fought, bled and died for liberty and the right of self-government, and yet 


yon now claim yon have not power sufficient to stop the tnists from using the mall 
while they are lleecmg the Republic of thousands, of hundreds of thousands, and rail- 
lions of G-;i:ars. ' 

You eo'ild prevent the lottery trupt in New Orleans from using the mails, but your 
Constitution Is too weak to prevent the wire and nail trust, or the sugar trust or the 
tobacco trust fronr using the inalls! 

e Who says the Constitution will- allow postar laws to prevent obscene matter, but 
win not allow postal laws to prevent the trusts from robbing the people? 

You Republicans know very well how you can reach the trusts. The best informed 
man on this subject in your party, Mr. Monnett, told you how he would get rid of the 
tfusts, and instantly you got rid of him.- (Laughter on the Democratic side.) 

Ch, yes; you are against the trusts! I will tell you how to get rid of fhe trusts. If 
the trusts elect MoKinlcy In November, constitutional' amendment or no amendment, 
the trusts will do Insiness at the old stand for four years more. If the people elect 
William Jennings Hryan (applause), no amendment will be nijcessary, aad after tne 
4th of next March we will have an Attorney-General who will not go on sleeping while 
tlie trusts go on fattening, for he will keep the trusts so busy that it will be hotter 
lor them than any part of the tropical islands of our empire. 

A Warning from a Clear Headed Business Man. 

Mr. .Tamos R. Kcene, well-known as one ot tlie largest business operators in 
New York City, Is' reported to liave said in a recent interview: ^ 

The people of this country must arouse themselves. The coming election 'S of more 
Importance, from' the standpoint of a pure and true Americanism, than any that has 
transpired since the second election of Lincoln. Money Is in the saddle; It is ridiu:; 
flown the Instiuitions. of this country with a confident insolence that tells of its Qrm 
belief In its own luviuclbillty. It is running the Government today in its every branch 
and arm. 

Xi money's power in molding public affairs goes forward for four years more as It 
has for four years past, the name of American liberty will only be worth a recollection 
as'a' matter of hlstbry. Money is pressing the people backward step by step. What is 
to be the end? Tf it goes on, there are, as matters trend, but two solutions. One Is 
Boclalism, and the second is revolution. The American people must defend themselves 
from'' money Just astliey once guarded their forest frontiers from the savage. Unless 
they come solldiy shoulder to shoulder for their rights, and came at once, Bupker Ulil 
win have been a blunder, Yorktown a mistake. 


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''' I ' ' {See oxplanatory foot-notee.] 

Name and descripttoi of trusts. 

Akgka Eackers' Assn. (pools with two otUer prlnc. Salmon 

^ Cos. ofi Puget, Sound) 

Anerlcaa Powder Co... 

AmerlCaA Watcli Case Mfgrs. Assri. (8 watch case Co.'s 

agree on prices) 

Ammunition Mfgrs. Assn. ' (fixes prices of oartrUlge.s, etc.). 

Anthracite Coal Trust (main coal ralloads fix prices) 

Associate Wine Dealers (agreement with Cal. VVlnemakers' 


Assn. of Boat 'Oar Mfrs. of U. S. (controls prices) 

■ Atlantic Dynamite Co. (glnnt powder, etc.j , 

■ Atlantic Passenger Steamship Pool (renewed In 1S9S) 

Seel Trust (several big Co.'s ftx prices dressed beef In most 

' , large cities) 

■ Belting Mfgrs, Assn. (3S firms, 12 different Slates, Qx prices) 
, geBSeiner Ore Assn. (fixes pHces on Great Lakes) 

Body Mfgrs. Ass'n. (carriage and buggy bodies) 

■ ^olt & Nnt ASlin, (several Assns., Carriage, stove, tire, etc., 

fix prices) i i 

Boxmukers' Combine (California and Oregon) .' . . 

Bromides Trust (six or eight manufactures, all In D. S.) 

Broom Mfgrs. Assn. of TJ. S. (regulates price*) 

Broom Twine (selling combine) 

Oalltornta Cured Fruit Assu. '(90 per cent, prune producers 
and eurers fix prices) 

California Knlsln Growers' Assn 

Card Board Mfgrs. of D. S. (fix prices) 

Cedar Shingles Mfgrs. Assn. (Washington, limits production) 

Central Lumber Co. of California 

Central Supply Assti. (jobbers and makers of plumbers' sup- 
plies In Cfintral West) 

Central Walnut Jksan. (California; fix prices) 

Chain Mfgrs. Assn. (trace, wagon, etc.) 

Oheesp Dealers' Assn. Co. (19 cheese merchants of Chicago, 
fix prices) 

Chemical Combine (pharmaceutical mfgrs.) : 

Chinese Laundry Assn. (launflrymen of N. Y. and vicinity 
fix prices) 

Columbia liiver Canneries Co. fflsh packers) 

Commercial Chemical Co. of U. S. (parls green selling 

Consolidated Iforwarding Co. '(Cal. I'ruit Grfiwerg' and Ship- 
pers' Assn. wlbh 2 others control 90 per cent, trade) 

Copper Sheeta and .Bolts Mfgrs. Assn '. : 

Balrymen's Atetl. of Atlanta, Ga. (93 per cent, milk supply 
of Atlanta) 

Derby. Hat 1*001 (-1 big companies sell together) 

Dredge Owners' Assn. (12 Anns divide work and fix prices, 

i^N. Y. ;Harbor) 

pynamlte Pool (3 big California companies) 

gaetern Broom Mfgrs. Assn. (fixes prices) 

Eastern Burial Case Assn 

Baatero Jobbers' and Mfgrs. Assn. (plumbers' supplies, east 
of Alieghanles) ; 

Blectrotypers - (N. C. City and vicinity) 

Factory Insurance Assn. (29 companies) 

Pall River Cotton Mfgrs. Assn. (all cotton cloth mills sell to- 

Federal Fashion Co. (Butterlck and Standard Fashion Cos.) 

Flint Bottle Mfgrs. Assn. (attempis to control prices, etc.).. 

Fraser River Canners' Assn. (salmon) 

pPrult Dispatch Co. (fruit selling agency) 

Fruit Jar Manufacturers (one selling agency for all (8) west- 
em firms) .' 

G4s Meter Manufacturers of N. Y. City (have a pooling 
I agreement) .' 

gettrgla Saw Mill Assn. (lumbermen of Ga., S. Car. and Fla.) 
#raln Elevators on Great Lakes (10 or more companies pool) 
JSrape Growers' Pool (agree on prices, Northern Ohio)...;.. 

ij(J«lery A$sn.' (seamless hosiery, mfgrs. of Eastern Pa.) 

Kit Air Furi(«ce Mfgrs, Assu.-. 


























































5,000,000 . 




Unincorporated Truste— Continued. 

Name and description of trusts. 

- Where 




Illinois State Board Fire Underwriters (72. companies) 

Independent Mfgrs. Pliotc^raphic Assn. (15 photograpWc 
supply oompaaies) 

Indiana League of Fire Underwriters (27 companies) 

Indurated! Fibre Industries Co 

Lake Carriers' Assn. (3 lines, pool prices) 

LauiiQrymen's Protective Assn.' (non-Chinese in N. Y. fix 
prices) ,. '. .-;•;„ 

Lijien Tliread Col (selling agency for 3 companies) '. . . 

liuiuber. Carriers' Assn. (vessels on Great Lakes) 

Luiuher Dealers of Texas (combine on prices) 

Macbihe Kilk and Sewing Silk Assn 

Manufacturers' Paper Co. of Chicago (selling agency for 
laaiiy ujills) t 

Miijile i'looriDg Mfgrs. Assn. (fixes priecs) 

M;l.-;s. Elect. Uo's. (33 El. Light and St.' Ry. Cos., Voluntary 
Assn. managed b.v 15 trustees) J 

Ma.srer riuniljeri^' Assn. (Rochester plumbers, fix prices and 
stop outside competitiou) . . . . : : 

Mliihigan Salt Assn. (90 per cent, producers in State- sell to- 
gether) ; 

Michigan State Assn. of Wooden Ware Mfgrs. (Axes prices) 

Middle States Furniture Mfgrs. Assn. (35 furniture factories 
of Middle States) . . : 

Milk (jombiue of Sftranton, Pa. (entire supply) 

Mlnue.sotk and Uaknta Fire Underwriters (5:-; companies).... 

Mississippi Kiver Steamboat Pool (3 comjianies pool) 

Mutual Shippers' Assn. fgroWerS and shippers of California 
fruit, with 'Z others, controls 90 per ceut. trade) 

Nationa.1 Assn. of Chamber Suits and Case Mfgrs. (90 per 
cent, of manufacturers) 

National Assji. lit Master Plumbers , (fixes prices and de- 
clares boycotts) : 

NatKJual Assn. ot Retail Druggists (agrees on certainpricesV 

National Assn. of Wagon Mfgrs. (tries to fix prices) 

National Assn. of Wholesale Dealers in Crockery and Glass- 
ware (agree on prices) 

National Bana-uti Jobbers' Assu. (agrees on prices and' tries' 
to tight trust; 

National Chair Assn. (150 mfgrs. of North w'e's't) .' ! 

National Diniing Table Assa. (39 firms) 

National Jobbing Confectioners' Assn. (agree on price's) 

r«ational Mirror Mfgrs. Assn. (40 companies agree an prices)' 

National Ornamental Glass Mfgrs. Assa. (85 per cent of 
trade west of Philadelphiaj 

National Musical String Co. (combine of 6 or s's'iit'e'tc" 

string companies in U. S.) ■=^'-., 

■Natiomii Wholesale Grocers' Assu. (tixes 'price's so'nie'cl'a'ss'es' 
New Kngland insurance i;'x"cliange"(S4'ii're"insu'r'a'nce 'ram- 


New York Milk Exchange Tfl'x'es 'p'ric'e's' hu'yi'n'g 'and' seU'iigV ' 

%bX%n^) :^. .''.^^':°.^°^^'''-'^' ^'''"- <^° '^'^ prices and 

Niciiolson File Wor'k's' '(s'piants,' '70 per 'c'e'n'l'.'of 'pridu'cti ' " ' 

North Carolina Pme Tjmber Assn. (fixes prices) "''""'•■■■ 

mlcounts)™. . " "'"^ ^™P''^«"-'"t Assn. (fixes pri'ce's'iiAd 

Oilcloth Pool (table, enameled, rte ) 

Oregon Hopgrowers' Assn. (fix prices') 

Pacific Coast Export Lumber Mfgrs. (ag'ree'o'n'Dr'ic'e'si 

^of Rocwes) ^'""'"' '° ^'"""'^^•■^' Supplies (•flx^p'S'wes't 
^ ea^plte)"'" *^'^'^'* ^"^''^- ^^^°- ' '("^'^" ' P'i<=^' ' "'"Srain 

''w"eSn^p"e"n"n\Th4T)' '^^^^ ^'^'^^ B^essomer!?L ' 'i'n 
^ Quebec)".^ .'.'. .'."."^ . f ."'"'■ '^'"°^' ' '^'^'"^ ' ' sVuiiiwlek' " 'and 

Shot and Lead 'Mfgrs'.' 'A^'n.' '(fixes' 'pH'c'e's') '.'.'.'.'.". ' " 

gtovel Makeia of .U, S, aad Can. iiateraatlonaJ fl6reeffleiii;>; .', 

























2,000,000 ; 







45,110,740 V 






3,0O0,0"0O , 





1.500,000 . 

10,000,000 ■' 







/ fwuirrH*!.'!- 


Name and d«5?ri^tign_of trust. 

'iSojipmakers' Combination (most of the big western' com- 

Sajwieastem Tariff ^Ssn. (67 fire Insurance companies). 
Sfltjtnern Cal. Fruit Excliange (I'Tuit Shipping Ass^n., witli 2 

,, otiers, controls S)0 per cent trade) 

ilonthern Cotton Spinners' Assn. (fixes prices cotton yarn).. 
sSouthern Hosiery Xarn Spinners' Assn. '(18 largest mills 
■,_J«ortli Carolina, SoutU Carolina, Georgia and A Uiliama) . . . . 
Boutliwestern Washington Hopgrowefs' Assil. (fixes prices). . 

Springfield Coal Assn. (10 Illinois companies) 

Spruce Mfgrs, of Maine, New HampsUIre ajtd New Bruns- 
wick (limit pro:ductlon and fix prices)..- 

.Steel Beams Assn. (fixes prices) ,. ... i . ,. , . ., 

'Bte*l Rail Ml'grs. Assn. (all big companies agree 'on prices)-. 
Stone Cutters' Assn. (freestone cutters of Mass. and Conn.),' 

_ Straw "Wrapping Taper Mfgrs. Assn ,.,,■,,,.,...,.., 

Theatrical Trust (one management fixes salaries, e-tc, for 

BO toeatfirs in leading cities) .: ;....»., 

Tile, Grate and Mantel Assn. of N. Y. (fixes prices and 't)oy- 

Li iotts nou-members) ,..,.• ,,. 

fTpllet Soap Mfgrs. (agree on prices) 

Underwriters' Assn. of State N. Y. (72 companies) 

tl, S. Eares Trough and Conductor Pipe Assn ■.:., 

V. S. Paper Bag Mfgrs. Assn. (10 concerns not in Ualon 

B. & P. Co.) ; .,;,..... 

llnitad Wine and Trading Co. (wine retailers of N. Y. and- 

Brooklyu) , .; .i........ . .li ,., 

iVftudevllle Trust (40 or BO leading houses under ahe 'manageV 

tjnent) .7 7. . . 

^Washington Red Cedar Shingle Mfgrs. Assn. (controls prg- 

\ft,_ auction and prices, 30 mills) , 

Iwfctem Elevator Assn. (40 leading companies in , Buffalo 

i work together) , /. 

Western l)'actor,v In.surance Assn. (23 companies). .>.... . . 

Western Potters' Assn. (agrees on prices)...' 

Western Union Fire Ins. Assn. (59 companies in South and 

^ West) 

.Wholesale Drngglsts' National Assn. (25 firms) ; 

Wholesale Grocers of New England 

Window Shade Mfgrs. Assn. (nearly all in U. S.) 

Wire Cloth Mfgrs. Assu. of America (12 firms agree on 


Woodenware Assn. (meets In Cleveland, O., and fixes prices 
. small articles) ., • 


Total estimated capital in unincorporated trusts. 












• 10,000,000, 






- SftOOO.OOO. 

r 3,000,000 ' 
' 50,i'^.TXi' ' 

2,000»00(J . 

4,000,000' ; 




' 23,8fi2,50Q' 








Bn i I luwl'fi'' of unincorporated trusts ia very great. Such trusts consist of price and 
BIW-BXlng agreements, profit-sharing pools, selling or buying agencies, product-restrict- - 
IBg agreements, etc. They exist in nearly every industry and in most States and cities. 
Sftme of those mentioned above may be Incorporated. Many have no definite names. 

Soine, of these have been operative for man,v years. Some are renewed periodically^ 
as the Miohigarn Salt Association (which now, sells its product to the National Salt Co.)— 
every five years. Some are ineffective part of the time because of disagreements. 
Some, like the Paris Green Trust (which is usually very active during the potato-bug 
Beaetin), are effective for only a few months in a year and may not reappear every year. , 

sin such cases as the Anthracite Coal and Steel Rail Ti:ii4is only such part of the " 
capital of the allied concerns is taken as is believed devoted to the particular industry 

As many fire insurance companies belong to several associations, the aggregate of . 
capital in the insurance combines is considerably too high. The amount of capital in 
these associations, if counted only once for each company, is probably about $80,000,000. 
• Similar fire insurance associations for fixing rates, terms, conditions, etc.. exist in all . 
HWUftjia M the country and in most States and cities. They are nominally in action in 
Sevmal States with strong "anti-compact" laws. 

The Wholesale Druggists' National Association maintains«prices of proprietajy medi- 
cines by refusing to handle goods sold to wholesalers who cut prices. Similar local asso- 
ciations of .iobbers and retailers regulate prices of most leading articles in States, 
coanties and cities. 

Wholesale GBocers' AssQciatlons exist everywhere. By means of rebates, etc., they 
SSSist manufacturers of many articles in maintaining uniform prices. 



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The use of avmor plate iu tlie construction of naval vessel^, and tlie obsta- 
cles presented to competition by the enormous cost of the plants , 
for the manufacture of these plates l^d'to gi'eat extortion by the manuf^c- 
, turers. In 1898 the pcice paid by the government reached $606 per ton. An 
Investigation disclosed the fact that' the BetEIeT!iein''lforTJoiHpany,~no\v a 
part of the Iron and Steel Trust, had furnished Russia with armor plates at as 
low a price as $240 per ton. This was followed by the euactSjuent, In 1896, of 
a provision of law- limiting the-priee-that- should -be- paid -by t-he-governmeTit 
for armor plate to $300 per ton,- '" . '?* lalS:;'; S: 

, At the last sessiou of Ooul^ress a provision was incorporated in the naval 
V appropriation bill, appropriating four millip_ns,pf__dpllars_ for the armor "and 
armament for naval vessels with a proviso that "the^ Secretary of the Navy 
Is hereby ailthorize(| to procure, bj' contract, armorof the best quality for the 
battleships Maine, OhiOj and Missouri." The Naval Committee had also in- 
corporated In the. bill authority to purchase armor for these three ships at a 
cost not to exceed $545 per ton. As this was, a propositioQ to change existing 
law, it was stricken out on a point oC order. 

Wheo the bill reached the Senate that body amended It by authorijsing the 
payment of $4-15 per ton on aU naval vessels- authorized to be built by ex- 
isting laws. It further provided that if-the Secretary of the Navy could not 
purchase armor plate for $445 per ton, he might, pay $545 per ton for armor 
for the battleships Maine, Ohio and Missouri, but no others; and that he 
should, in such case, erect an armor plate factory at a cost not to exceed four 
millions of dollars,- two millions of (Jollars to be appropriated for that pur- 
pose and made immediately available. The House offered for this the fol- 
lowing siibstiiute: 

That tlie Socrctaiy of the Navy Is hereby authorized to procure by coutraet armor 
of the best qu.'iUty for any or all vessels above referred to, provjdej such co-itracts 
can b« made at a i)rioe»n'hich ia his judgment Is reasonable and equitable; but in case 
he Is unable to make cuiJiiocts for armor under the above condition.?, he Is herehy aiilHnr- 
Ized, in his discretion, to procure a site for and to erect thereon a factory for the manu- 
facture of armor, and the Sum of $4,000,000 Is hereby appropriated toward the erection 
o£ said factory. 


It win be observed that the House proposltleta placed no limit upon the 
Secretary of the Navy as to the price be should ipa^Jf or the armor plate of all 
vessels, tlie consti'Uction of v;hlch was authorized- by existing laws, and that 
it was left wholly to his own discretion whettter, uiider any circumstances 
whatever, he should erect a government armor plate factory. The proposition 
of the Senate limited the price of armor plate to $445 per ton, excepting fop 
the three battleships named, for which he might pay $545 per ton if he could 
do no better. But if he found that he could not purchase artnor for $445 
per ton, lie was positively directed to erect an armor plate factory for 
the government. 

Something lilce ten dilierent conferences were had by the conference Com- 
mittees of the two Houses to reconcile these differences. The House cooferees, 
sustained by the House, were unrelenting in their determination to defeat all 
limits as to price, and all compulsory prortsious for the erection of a govern- 
ment arnior plate factory. The Senate for a long time resisted the demaijda 
of the Armor .Plate Trust. In that body Senator Hanna hotly led the con- 
test 'for, the piate manufacturers, ably seconded by Senator Elkins at West 
Virg-inia. On the last day of the session, June 6th, when the requisite number 
of votes had beiju xissured for a complete surrender to the trust. Senator Pen- 
rose of I'enDsylvania, the State in which is located the plants of the great 
Steel Trust, offered the following amendment: 

i t 

Tliat /the Senate recede from its amendment numbered 58, and agree to the lIouSB 

Euieiidracnt to tlie .«oiiie -n'itli the following amendment: 

"That the Secretary of the Navy" is hereby authorized to procure by contract armor of- 

the best quality for any or all vessels above referred to, provided such contracts can be 

made at a price whioh. in his judgment, is reisunable iiLd equitable; but" in i-.iso he la 

i.nable to make c.uiti'aets f ■•■ Ernior under the -ib'jv? I'on.Jii'ons he is hereby aul.harized 

and directed to procure a site for and ei'ect thereon a factory for the mauufaclure of 

armor; and tjie sum of $4,000,000 is hereby appropriated toward the erection of said 


Senator Hale, the Chairman of the Committee on Naval Affairs, made the 
following explanation of the difference between this new proposition and the 
House proposition: 

Mr, HAI.K. The Senator from Pennsjjvania moves to concur in the ^otise amend- 
ment with an amendmoct substituting this same amendment, only in place of the 
words "in his discretion" he inserts the words "and directed;" so that it will road: , 

Tiut in case he ia unable to malio contracts for armor under the above conditions; he 
Is hereby authorised and directed to procure, a site for and to erect thereon a factory, 
for the rtianafaciwre o' armor." 

So that the sense of the Senate is to be taken on the proposition of the discretion 
being left with the Secretary of the Navy a? to the price; but as to an armor plant, if 
he canntJt get a reasonable contract, he is obliged to build an armor plant. 

It will bo observed that what seemed in the Senate amendment to be 
compulsory upon the Secretary was, after all, leaving everything to his own 
discretion. He. was directed to erect an .armor factorj* if he was unwilling 
to submit to the extortionate demands of the armor plate manufacturers; bil 
if be was willing to pay whatever price they demanded, he was fully author- 
ised to do so, io which case, of course, he would not erect a government fac- 


fory. The ^gerness wltiQ TicHiijtefiiiie Armor Plate Trust struggled to itrans- 
fer to the executive aeBsttjfjap.fcjtha. powei- to yield to,, its dejnaiids wa» evi- 
dence of the most positive Kia£l;oCit$ confidence tbat it worulfl, fare better 
with the Secretary of Mi,® JUgMs^tban it wouli evea with a friendly .Con- 
gress on the eve of an elaetjon. .. .|.,. 

A Republican Senator Rebels. , 

5>ery exciting debate took place on the terms of capitulation proposed by 
Senator Penrose. In the course of tliis dchate Senator Chandler of NefW 
Hampshire, who had been Secretary of the Navy under President Arthur, de- ' 
counced the proposed surrender in tlie following . seyere language: ^ 

Mr. CHANDLER. Mr. President, the motion made by tile Senator, frojn PeEasylraf-B 
nia (Mr. Penrose) correctiy takes up. the Issue, betiv^fin the House and the, Senate, and 
a vote upon that Is certainly an appropriate method' of deternainlhg what the"'^ourSe^ 
of the Senate shall be. His proposition is substahlially- fhe Houte t)r6:^<SSftion that the' - 
whole q.uestlon o£ the price of armor plate shajU be-,rctnlttcd. to,,the,^^retarif ,0C the 
Navy, and that he shall be authorized to pay a.ny prlc^ he sees fit to pay without llmiL' 
His judgment is to be exercised as to Whether the pftce la just arid' r5?asonable. ' Bui'" 
to far as the broad principle of l(?gi,9latlbn is concerned, the' whole subject oft fixing,- 
the price lor armor plate is committed to the Secretary. of the NfTy;.and that, Mr.. 
• Presldeht, is to be th^ end of all the investigations which Congress 'fia'g made upoa" 
this subject. The iavestlgatlbn begah flvo J^earsi.ago, gl<(S'iivl!h'gi.iaut;of a contract • made' 
by the Bethlehem Company with th.e Eussltia Govorn,ment for, $^Q0,0O0. vpoj-th of' armor. 
' plate at $340 a ton. ., , .'. , "'■"■' - 

I'he report of the committee made' oii-Feht'akir''ii,' liST, *al &at d'tair ptfce for 
armor would be between $300 and $400. a ton;' and on every vote which the Senate has 
taken since $300 a ton has been adhered to up to , the time when "the majority amend- 
ment to pay $445 a ton was adopted in the Senate by t^vo majority.' ' 

•Mr. President, the i,'jfport of the cooimlttee.,in, 1897, was a unahlniotis' report, and the 
TOte of the Senate, until this last ooncessioh of $4'43 a ■tbh, -ivas overwiiSirtiingly against ' 
paying these large prices for armor. 

■A distinguished and influential Senator upon this floor has stated that the Senator 
from South Carolina (Mr. Tillman) and myself are. responsible for the failure Of ihe 
construction of the battleships to proceed. Mr. President, in some sense that is truer 
but the Senator did too much honor to the Senator from South Carolina and myself, 
because our opinions ■would have been' of very little importance> and our efforts would 
have been of no consequence 11 they had not been ratified by overwhelming votes of 
the Senate, until $415 a ton was flxe<l the other day by a majority of 2. The Senate 
has been convinced, and the Senate has taken the responsibility, as I was glad to take 
my share of the resp'jusibiiity, of not conceding that the price of armor shall be fixed 
by the armor-plate manufacturers, who, it is admitted, are in combination^ in this coun- 
try, and who, I say, ere in cpmbigatlon with the armor manufacturers of Europe. 

'For the Senate and the House of Representatives, in the face of a combination whojre 
there is no competition, to abandon its function of fl.xlng a limit beyond which the price 
of armor shall not go would be a most cowardly and impotent conclusion. 

1- have been governed in a(l the, contest I have made on this subject from the time 
■when I learned of the Russian contract at $340 down to this hour by no other con- 
sideration than a sense of public duty. I think It is the duty of Congress to stand up 
sijuarely and marafuily on this question, and either decide that it will or will not sub- 
mit to the price which the armor manofacturers may charge, and not., run away from 
the whole question and put the burden upon the Secretary of the Navy, 

Senator Teller's Indignant Denunciation. 

in the course of the debate Senator Teller said: 
''Itseews to me that every man who has- listened for Ave years ta these yearly debates. 


ought, to be willing to build an armor plant. I belieye that the American people, seeing 
this' unseemly exhibition— for it is unseemly- 
Mr. SPOONBR. It grows every year. 

Mr. It grows, as the Senator fronli WiaciiiBBiB:.saggests, every year. We 
are practically ckarging ourselves, or some portMsnrjirff tiAtntxa&y or the other, session, 
after session, with collusion with the armor-plate, ■maaula.cturerS. The public press is 
repeating it. The American people .-will believe, wiietftei: .5t .is truthful or not— there is 
great ground for them to believe it— that the armor-plate manufacturers have what la 
called in common .parlance a- political pull so great that we cannot compel thera to 
produce armor and sell it to the Government at a fair price, nor can we get the power 
here to authorize the Government to build a plant. - ' 

Mr. President, I repeat, such a condition is unseemly, such a condition is disgraceful 
to the American L.egislatare, and one that must eventually bring us into contempt 
with the American people. We either ought to have the power here to say to these 
combLaes, "You shall sell us armor at what we believe to be a fair price, or you cannot 
eell us any at all." 

Mr. PENSOSB. Mr. President, I. should like to ask the Senators- 
Mr. TELLER. Mr. .Presiden:, I do not care to hear the Senator just now. fhe 
Senator's proposition is a disgraceful proposition. It is a surrender of the American 
legislative body, to ithe eiecutive department. As the Senator from New Hampshiro 
said, aad I am using .his term, it is either a cowardly proposition or it indicates that 
Bomewhere there is a corruption. ' 

Why, Mr. Presid6nt,r should you say to the executive department of the Govern- 
ment, "Buy 37,000 tons of armor today, when you do not need more than Ave or six 
thousand tons, and pay any price that these armor-plate combines choose to demand 
of the American people, and pile up your armor plate for years simply that they may 
moke a proflt on it?" The American people will not believe that we have acted with 
common judgment or .common honesty, when that takes place. 

Now, Mr. President, X think the time has come for plain talk In this matter. The 
Chairman of the committee says that there is no backing behind this concern. The 
American people will believe, and I have no hesitation in saying I believe, that there 
is a great ioacking behind these combines; that a great political organizatlDn in this 
country hopes to make profit — I do not mean a money proiit; I mean a political profit- 
by giving to this combine an unreasonable price, and what the Senator from Maine 
has said is a robber's demand. . , ■ 

* , * - * * * * * • • 

there is no necessity for going into any general debate to show that armor plate 
can be made at a proflt for $300 a ton. There is not anybody here who does not believe 
it, or, if he does not believe it, it is because he has not tried to inform himself on the 
subject. Nobody has ever been able to come into this Senate or to go into the House 
of Representatives or before the American people and show that the figures of SecrC" 
t.iry Herbert were not just and proper. 

• *•*••••■ 

We know, in addition to that, as I said the other day, the finding of the Navy Repart- 
ment was buttressed and supported by the fact that these people went into competl' 
tion in Europe with the great manufacturers of armor plate there, carried their product 
across the sea, and sold it in foreign lands for $340 a too. 

Mr. President, it is said that these companies sent armor plate abroad so as to show 
to the American people that they have some reason for* sending it abroad and sellins it 
at a lower price. They did sell it at less than ir. was sold for here; but they did not 
sell it at a loss, and the man who stands on this floor and says that they did .^ell it 
at a loss insults the intelligence of this body and in.sults the iuteliigence of the Ameri- 
can people. These combinations believe that they have the power to compel the"' Gov- 
ernment of the United States to give them their price, a price, I will say again which 
has been repeatedly declared by members of both poliUcal orgamzation.s on Oiis'floor l» 
a robber's price. 

There is a way to escape from the control of this combine, and that is for the Gov- 
ernment of the United States to build an armor-plate plant of its own-' to build anfl 
create armor as we create guns; to build and create armor as we create ships, 

Mr. President, the rules of propriety prevent my making any comment upon tM 


Bcflon of the House of HepTetenAttbhiafS, <tmt the condition we are In today is the con- 
dition whlchl predicted the.'othtt ttfljDism the flpor we should be In. J, kpew that cer- 
tain Influences in this countarj* have idBtermined that we should, pay to tWs armor com- 
bine whatever It demanded,- and I'i4i^£. predicted that before we got through with thla 
contest the American Senate wonldi surrender to the armor-plate combine. I thini: we 
are very liljeiy to make that prophecy good between this time and the time of adjourn, 
ment tonight. ' ... 

I have been aslsed what are we to do; and it Is said somebody must give way. I 
want to say here what I would do and what I think the credit of the American Senate 
demands; and that Is, I would insist upon a fair limit; that we should say we will give 
no discretionary power to the Secretary of the Navy, as is proposed; and if wo are 
unable to crystallize that into law, let the. whalfe'i proposition faii, .-battleships and all. 
That is the only way that the American Senate can assert their independence.., It I? 
the only way that they can go to the American people and -feel that they have' a right 
to demand the confidence and support of the people.' They cannot do it. if tiny sur- 
render to -this combine. ,,:-,-■ - . "■ 

It has cej^sed to be a question of policy and beeotne one-'Of absffilutei prinqjpie, and ' 
one that I think closely touches this body. I da; not -believe that jrow-can agree to the. 
'proposition of the Senator from Pennsylvania (Mr. Penrose)f which Isit-he proposition 
of the House of Representatives, without such scandal and -disgrate as-Jias'-notiAfllicted 
us as a people for many years. I think the stealings In .Cuba will be insignificant and f: 
lost sight of In this greater steal. In this greater coHiblne, alioiyed by the American Sen-. < 
ate with the full knowledge. that it is a steal. .' . :■-■- 

U we are at the merCy of this combine,, let us quit building ships uhtij we can builil 
a plant and create our own armor plate; and when we- create it, we will have a guar- ' 
anty that It Is not full of blowholes, filled up. with grtose ahd with putty and with 
ashes, as we have bought It of these same identical robbers, -and paid for it at $600 ' 
a ton. They came before our ..committee and admitted that they had sold us 'piatea 
which would not stop an old six-pounder ball fired from the' oldest cannon on the face ■ 
of the carth-iarmor plates that we wers>.to put on our ^ ships an-d risk- the lives of our 
sailors and our men on those ships. -Our ships would 'have gonii to-'the 'bottom of the 
sea with the first shot because of the frauds of this combine; and -yet-Hie'y find defend- 
ers on this "floor, who tell us we must submit to this combine and allow them to con- 
tinue to steal from the people of the United States. 

Hr. President, the hour has come when the party In power has got to take the 
^■responsibility for this thing. If they want to go to the American people and, with a 
majority in both Houses and with the Executive, say, "V/e are willing to continue 
this robbery," I will 6nter my protest. They have got the power to do it, and I am 
very much afraid they propose to do it, but they shall not do it wltnout my negative 
vote; they shall not do it without giving me an opportunity of saying to the American 
people, "You are being robbed; you are being robbed by the party that you put In 
power under pledges that you should have good government and honest administration 
of public affairs, which you have the right to demand and the right to expect of any 
Administration, no matter how It may be labeled. 

The senatorial advocates of the armor plate monopoly never wearied of 
their ta^lE, but fought as they would if they had themselves owned the armor 
plate factories. Their labors were finally crowned with success, although 
the defenders of the treasury of the Government held out long and well. 
Public attention had been called so loudly to the contention, that it seemed 
sheer madness for an administration, on the eve of a presidential campaign, to 
deliberately load itself down with go fierce and reckless a struggle for a 
private interest, and for the unnecessary transfer of millions of dollars from 
the public treasury to the armor plate monopoly. Some friends of the admin- 
istration refused to be coerced into the support of Senator Hanna's final 
proposition, but in vain. He listened with intense interest to the response of 
every Senator -who voted on his ultimatum, embodied in the Penrose amepd- 



ment. When it had received a majorlty,:Ot' thp j;(3tes his face beamed wtth 
the greatest victory for him of the yea.ti>'-'^^oii&y never know what con- 
tribution the campaign fund of the Eepubliq^if party receives as a result of 
that vote. It may be more or It may be less .than the Sugar Trust wiU pay 
for the Porto Rican outrage of compelling ^ the payment of duties between 
Porto Rico and other United States ports in violation of the Constitution. But 
whatever it is, it will be in the power of the executive branch of the govern- 
ment to reimburse the contributors in the- price it will pay for armor. 

The following is the vote on the Penrose amendment. (Democrats and Inde- 
pendents in italics): 

AlllisQB, ' 


Carter, . 

Clark. ■ - 





Elkina,, , 



Bard, ■ 




Ch indler. 

■ CockreU, 




YEAS -39. 














Piatt, Conn. 


Piatt. N. Y. 










. Martin, 

Fo -akor, 






Jones Ark. 











Oh Iton, 

Jones, iVeu. 



Qnarles, -^. 








Spooner, " 
TeUer, ^ 




Dm-ing the roll-call pai-rs were announced as follows:- 

Mr. BUREOWS (when hia name was called). I am paired with the senior Senator 
from Louisiana (Mr. Caffery). 

Mr. SPOONEE (when his name was called). I have a pair with the Senator from 
Tennessee (Mr. Turley), who is absent from the city, and unless his colleague can 
assure me as to how he would vote 

Mr. BATE. I think my colleague would vote "nay.'* 

Mr. SPOONER. Then I will vote "nay." ' 

The roll call was concluded. 

Mr. DAVIS. I have a general pair with the Senator from Texas (Mr. Chilton). I 
will transfer that pair to the Senator from Maryland (Mr. Wellington) and vote "yea." 

Mr. JONES of Arkansas (after having voted in the negative). I am paired with the 
Senator from Rhode Island (Mr. Aldrloh), who Is absent from the SeD.ate, and I jivlth- 
draw my vote. ^ 

Mr. BUTLER (after having voted in the negative). I have a general pair with the 
Senator from Maryland (Mr. Wellington). I understand that on this vote he is paired 
with the Senator from Minnesota (Mr. Davis). If that is correct, I will let my vote 

Mr. JONES of Arkansas. The Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Turley) is absent with- 
out a pair, and I will transfer ray pair with the Senator from Rhode Island (Mr. 
Aldrlch) to the Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Turley) and let my vote stand "nay." 

Mr. QUARLBS. I suggest whether the Senator (roin Arkansas Is not mistaken lo 


regard to the pair he has just stated. I understand that my colleague (Mr. Spooner) 
la paired with the iSenator frbtti TehnfeasGie (Mr. Turley). 
Mr. JONES of AJliansas. ,,fl}fte Sfpalor's colleague has Toted 
Mr. BERRY." He voted ';nay." ' 

This was an abdicatioii'by t^Wj^ess of Its duty, and" an extraordinary di- 
vision of legislative power with the executive department of the Govern- 


►- The Constitution provides that "no money shall be drawn from the treas- 
ury but in consequence of appropriations made by law." It may be that, in 
the face of this constitutional provision, and notwithstanding the struggle 
In Congress to prevent extortion in this Casep tnoney can be lavvfuUy drawn 
from the treasury to pay for armor plate at a price to be fixed by the execlitivle 
department without limit. If It can be, it would be equally constitutional for 
I Congress to appropriate the lump sum of seven hundred and fifty millions of 
i dollars to the President for the total expenses of the Government for one 
year, leaving it to his discretion "how much shall be expended for every service 
and everything rendered the Government. A precedent even for this ex-, 
traordinary and manifestly inadmissible legislation was established when 
;, fifty millions of dollars was appropriated, in the spring of 1898, to be ex- 
pended at the discretion of the President when the war with Spain was im- 
minent. ' . I , 

Mr. Hanna conducted the armor plate contest in- the Senate with thij 
lielp of his administration friends as though the Government were a corpora- 
tion in which he owned the majority of the stocky and the expenditures ot 
which he could absolutely pontrol. 

That the Democratic members of the Naval Committee of the House of Rep- 
resentatives fully performed their duty in an effort to stem the tide of corrup- 
tion in this matter of armor plate will be seen by the following extracts fr&iii 
their minority report on the Naval Appropriation bill: ^ , 

In our judgment the potential reasons in enhancing the price of armor to the C ■■ 
ernment is the existence of a trust or agreement between the armor-plate factories 
this country— we are almost persuaded we could safely go further and say armor ;■ 
factories of the world; but we again guote from Mr. Schwab's testimony:, 

"Mr. CDMMINGS. There Is an insinuation that the European companies have 
agreement with you. 

"Mr. SCHWAB. That is not correct. I know nothing of it if it is true. I have st.r 
candidly that there was an understanding between, the Bethlehem Company and u 
selves to divide orders, because we went into the business on that basis. I have hc; 
a great deal about this matter of there being an agreement between the foreign ui:p 
faeturers, but I think that is very doubtful, for this reason: K the armor business i 
as profitable as. many people think it Is, why should all of this foreign capital wliii' 
Is lying uninvested remain idle with such a golden opportunity for reward; when En^' 
land, for example, is barely able to fill the orders which the Government has 
for armor?" ' . 

-There are but two armor-plate factories in the tJnited States, and, as will be, seen 
from, the above quotation from Schwab's testimony, they understand each other so well 
there is no competition for orders, and we feel justified in concluding this understand- 
ing exists to price also. The Government is at the mercy of these companies, and we 
see but two ways of escape— either stop building armored ships or manufacture our own 
armor. We believe if the Secretary of the Navy was directed to buy armor for not 
exceeding $400 per ton, and if he could pot get it at that price to build a factory, the 
two eflmpanles would reduce th? JuJce to a reasonable sum. pec toa.rather than to alio* 



the GoTernmcnt to tecome their competitor. One thing Is certain: Unless we build 
our own plant armor plate will never cheapen. We unhesitatingly say, in our opinion 
it would be wise for the Government to own its own plant, even if it never made one 
ton of armor plate, because the fact of the Government's ability to produce armor plate 
on its own account would operate to keep down prices in the private yards. The Gov- 
ernment ought to taice steps at once to reduce the price of armor plate by authorizing 
a plate factory, otherwise next year will And us in the same condition we are now in, 
and we will be compelled to pay the same exorbitant prices for the armor then needed. 
So R will go on from year to year, being, as it were, held up by manufacturers each 
year, because in the previoias year we failed to provide against the holding up. There- 
fore Congress should act now. 

Again, we feel compelled to ■difler . with our colleagues on the subject ot constructing 
ships in the Government yards. We reach this conclusion from the evidence before the 
committee on the subject. Four of the most distinguished and competent constructors 'of 
the Navy were heard. by us, as well as the Chief of the Bureau of Construction. They 
all unqualifiedly recommend the construction of ships in the Government yards. The 
opinions and wishes of bureau Chiefs seem to have been followed by the committee in 
many instances, and in our opinion it is unfortunate that thg opinion ot the Chief of 
the Bureau of Construction was not persuasive in -this instance also. 

*,,,!,lj*. * *- • • * * * 

In the building of ships, and in the manufacture of armor, we announce that we 
befieve in the principle that would have the Government to buy her ships or contract 
for their building and buy her armor plate, when the prices are reasonable. When we 
advocate that the Government build part of her ships and make the armor plate we 
do so because we feel that it would save millions of dollars to the taxpayers of our 
country in the long run. We do not believe in creating offices unnecessarily; on the 
contrary, we believe in ridding the- public of all needless olHcials; but we prefer more 
ofHcials, if necessary, which we do, not believe in this instance, to conscious or even 
well-suspected extortion, 

F. C. TATE. 
30HN F. IlIXEY, 

triie people of the United States own the money in the treasury, and if they 

desire to bave it squandered for illegitimate purposes to fatten the trusts and 

monopolies to enable them to perpetuate their power in the government, they 

' will vote to continue in power the present administration, and its supporters 

in Congress, 





$24,000,000 A YEAR. 

Is there a man in the country who can read tht extraftrdiQai-y statements 
made nMev oath b.v Henry 0. Vtick in his suit agiittst Andrevy; daraegie with- 
out stopping tp think oC the sMii chanige whicti.the trust system, bactiad by 
;i^!tovernment fayoritisni, has wrouglU in econoniic,- political and social condi- 
tions' In America? ■ ,i , ' ' 
■,.Mr. Fricls says tl^at Mr. Carnegie's share of the profits of. the Carnegie 
Steel Company last year was ¥12,285,000, Be also if?ays that Mr. Carnegie's 
siiare of the earnings, this year will probably be $24,867,000, 

Carnegie's Profits Greater tfian Kings' Revenues. 

Can you grasp .the n.ieaning of that? TwhIvc millions of dollars last year; 
,twonty-four of doUai's this yearf 'Xiiis is the priTate income of one 
'roan. Let me give you a list of the annual incomes that may help you to estab» 
Usb a rule of prQporr4on; 

,' Qiieen Victoria ^. ...,'.. .$1,925,000 

The German Kmperor 3,852,770 

The Emperor of Austria , . -. , 3,875,000 

The King of Italy ,...,. 2,858,000 

Andrew Carnegie • ,. , .24,Se7,50Q 

bne Day's Income Would Pay President's Salary. 

Mr. Carnegie's ipcome from his steel works is $68,130.13 a day. That Is 
more than the salary of the Presideilt of the United States for a whole year. 
Ilis annual income is equal to the wages of twelve million of workingmen at 
two dollars a day. * 

But is Mr. Carnegie the only man in the community who is able to pay 
the President's salary for a year out of one day's income? Cntil Mr. Frick 
made his astounding revelation no one had any suspicion that the Carnegie 
Steel Company was earning $42,500,000 a year. May there not be other men In 
the country— many of them— whose incomes would startle the country if the 
real facts were to be made known? Who can tell? The trust system, the scheme 


of limited monopoly, ts so well suvroundeii with safeguards of secrecy that 
it is only by the accident of a legaa quarrel aWong tile great financial cap- 
tains that the truth may now and then be uncovered. Senator Hannd, the 
spokesman of the present administration at Washington, laughs at the earnest 
men who have tried to probe this greatest problem of the present generation. 
The trusts should be "let alone." They pay millions of dollars Into the Bft- 
publican campaign fund. Why should they be disturbed or investigated ?v 

The Modern Youth Faces a Wall of Monopoly. 

Mr. Frlck deserves the thanks of the nation for this contribution to the 
world's knowledge. He has no doubt 'started, springs of thought in the pub- 
lic mind that wUl flow long after his suit against Mr. Carnegie has been won 
or lost. The thinking American, citizen will ask himself how it is that one man 
can lawfully— and Mr. Carnegie's wealth is lawful— earn twenty-four millions 
a year. He will glance backward and forward. He will think of his father, 
of himself, of his son. And he will see that the founders of the great trusts 
entered upon their business careers when competition was possible and that 
they have gradually destroyed tlie competitive system. 

Could Andrew Carnegie start in the steel trade to-day and achieve power? 
'Does any omfe believe that this man, with all his intelligence and ability to 
apply himself to the work before him, could break through the wall of mon- 
opoly built around the steel trade? 

This Power Dangerous to the Public. 

•Men like Mr. Carnegie, having established themselves in power, naturally 
seek to prevent competition. He is not alone in this. It is the foundation 
idea of the trust system. 

But can a power like this exist in a, republic without destroying the re- 

Wh^t is the remedy? Who knows? Is there a remedy at all? And how 
can there be any effective and reasonable remedy until the Government is in 
the hands of men who honestly want to find a remedy?— James Creelman io 
Neiw York Journal. , 





^ Comparatively little attention lias yet been given to tlie great domestic and 
practical question of the control (not OH'nership) of those great trusts, the 
public ti'ansportation lines. 

The Inter-State Commerce Law, 

In 1887, Congress passed what was Isnown as the Interstate Commerce Law, 
which was Intended by those who tool: part in its enactment, to regulate the 
Interstate railroad rates of the country and afford some protection to the 
email shipper as against his great competitor, who was, and is, fattening off 
of the special privileges granted him by the railroads. The Senate Committee 
on Interstate Commerce reported that year to the Senate that "the effect of tlie 
prevailing policy' of railroad management, is, by an elaborate system of se- 
cret rates, rebates, drawbacks, and concessions, to foster monopoly, to enrich 
favored shippers, and to prevent free competition in many lines of trade in 
which the Item of transportation is an important factor;" and that "rates 
are established without apparent regard to the actual cost of the service per- 
formed, and are based largely on 'what the traffic will bear.' " 

It was contemplated by its framers that the Act to regulate Interstate com- 
merce would correct this condition of affairs, but its application and construe, 
tion by the "courts have tended to the reverse. ; ' 

Decisions of the United States Supreme Court. 

Under the decisions of the United States (Supreme Court, with this law on 
the statute book, declaring that all rates shall be "reasonable and just" and 
that "unjtist and unreasonable rates" are unlawful, the railroads may still 
charge whatever rates they see proper and there is power in no commission, 
In no court, to sjy them nay. 

That this is true, read what the Supreme Court said in the case of the 
C, N. O. & T. P. Ely. V. Interstate Commerce Commission, 162 U. S., 184: ■ 

Whether Congress intenOea to confer upon the Interstate CommerQe Commission the^ 
power to Itself fix rates was mooted in the courts below, and is discussed In the briefg 
ef counsel. 


We do not find any provision of the act that expressly, or by necessary implication, 
• confers such a power. 

We prefer to adopt the view expressed by the late Justice Jackson, when Circuit 
Judge, in the case of the Interstate Commerce Commisslou v. Baltimore & Ohio Rail- 
road Company (43 Fed. Eep., ST), and whose- judgment.; was. affirmed by this court ._<K5 
■U. S., 263): , I ■,..'.;' , ■ ., , ■. . 

"Subject to the two ieading'prohibitions that their charges shall not be nhjTlst" o» 
unreasonable, and that they shall not unjustly discriminate, so as to give^undae prefer- 
euce or disadvantage to persons or traffic similarly circumstanced, tlie, act to regulate 
commerce leaves common carriers, as they were at the commoTi law, free to malie spe- 
cial contracts looking to the increase of their business," etc. 

Tbere is no case on record whfere a shipjjer has been able to recover from 
tbe railroad company an unjust rate collected, and the Supreme Court in- the 
ease of the Interstate Commerce Commission v. C. N. O. & T. P. Ry., 167 TJ. S. 
479, ;holds that Congress has not delegated the power to either the. Commission 
or the courts to fix the rati for the future, for in that decision it says: ; 
-Congress might itself prescribe the rates, or it might commit to some subordinate tri- 
bunal this duty; or it might leave with the companies the right to flx rates, subject to 
regulations and restrictions. 

Further on, in the same decision. It says: 
' Beyond the influence which irresistibly follows from the omission to grant in express 
terms' to .the Commission this power of fixing rates is the clear language of Section 6 
(of the Act to regulate comtperce) recognising the right of the carrier to establish rates, 
fo increase or reduce them. 

• And further: ' ■' ^_ 

These considerations convince us that under the Interstate Commerce Act the Com- 
mission has no power, to ptescribo the tariff of rates which shall control in the future. 
That the shipiper cannot recover excessive rates paid In tbe past, read the 
c[ecI?ion in the case at Van Patten v. C, 51. & St. P. Ry. Co., 81 Fed Rep., 545. 
In commenting on that case, the Interstate Commerce Commission in its 
.Welfth Annual Report, (iS9S), pp. 25-6, say: 

This was a suit before the Circuit Court for the northern district of Iowa to recover 
riife excess above "a reasonable rate upon grain from points In Iowa to Chicago. 'It 
appeared that the rates, charged and coHecteiJ by the defendant railroad company were 
'the openly, published rates, and the, court held that, this being so, the plaintiff was not 
entitled to recover. 'The court apparently "took the position that the publication of a 
given rate under the sixth section by the carrier .fixed that rate; that when the rate 
was so published it became unlawful to receive any other or dIfCerent rate, and that 
It could not be an uijlawful act to demand aqd collect the published rate. The Com- 
mission said that If this opinion should finally prevail it would result that the public 
'ias absolutely no protection against an unreasonable rate. The Supreme Court holds 
th^it the Commission, and therefore the courts, has no power to correct the rate for 
the future, and therefore there is no way in which a railroad company can be com- 
pelled" to publish a reasonable rate. Under the decision in the Van Patten case a rate 
when published is conclusively presumed fo be reasonable, and the shipper has no right 
of action to recover any portion of that rate. If that case was correctly d-ecided, it 
follows that Jt-here is absolutely no way In which the phblio can obtain any redress 
from the exaction of a rate, no matter how extortionate. 

, Between these two miUstoucs the, small shipper is ground to dust. 

How .about the large shipper, the combination, the trust? No matter what 
inay be the published legal rate, it afl'ects him not. The same men who oon- 
trpl other trusts and couibinatjons control tlie' railroad trusts. It Is ,tlie same 
moneyed interest that control* both. To the favored trust rebates are granted, 


which are Inaccessible to the small shipper, who has to pay the published 

The public complains a great deal against trusts and combinations. Our 
platform condemns them. The papers are fuU of them. We have laws already 
on the statute booljs proposing to annihilate them, i'et with all this, the main- 
spring of their e.xistence, their progenitor, their breeder,— namely, the railroad 
tri7sts,— lie uncheclted within our grasp.' 

The point at wliich combination becomes unlawful, is debatable. That the 
large shipper should not receive. advantages from public utilities which are 
denied to the small shipper, is not debatable. The theory, at least, of taxa- 
tion in all rational civilized govemmenis is to place the lightest burden In 
the form of taxation upon the poor and those least able .to bear it, and to 
lay the heavy hand upon the rich and powerful. The theory of taxation by 
railroads in the levying of their tariffs, when uncontrolled by the state or gov- 
ernment, is the revex:se of this, and the\hand of mall Is placed upon the poor 
and unprotected, while the great and powerful trusts and combinations are 
granted free passes, rebates and speciar privileges of every description. Very 
few combinations or trusts could, exist to-day were it not through the control 
or the favor of public utilities in their behalf. Some fatten through the in- 
Iquilies of the protective tariff, and a demand is now being made for the abol- 
ishing of the tariff on all articles controlled by trusts. This Is along the right 
fine, but the benefit of it which the trusts receive from the Import tariff is less 
than that they receive from the railroad tariff. Und^r the Import tariff it 
may at least be said, that whatever favor it grants Is open to all with means 
to avail themselves of it. But suppose the Government secretly granted a re- 
bat^ of 25 per cent, of the duty to two or three large manufacturers, what then 
would be the position of the small manufacturer in competition with them?' 
Yet this is the nature of the discrimination which the trusts and combinations 
are to-day receiving from our public transportation lines, and this Is the 
testimony of the railroads themselves. 

Testimony of Good Witnesses. 

Mr. A. B. Stickney, President of the Chicago Great Western Railway, the 
author of a book entitled the Railway Problem, says: 

It Is Idle to talk about railway transportation being a mere article of commerce, 
owned by the company, "who, as such owner, may sell it or not, as it may see fit, or, if 
It elects to sell, may demand such price as it chooses or can obtain." It is nonsense 
to call that merchandise which no one can refuse to purchase. 

tioolsing at the subject from the point at view of the owner of railway property, this 

absolute power in the hands of managers, who after all are but human, with limited 

knowledge and capacity, seems quite as dangerous to that interest as to the Interests 

of the people. 

* « • •« * • * • 

And yet upon each road one man with autocratic power, with many subordinates, 
acting separately and without consultation. Is making rates varying in amounts from 
doy to day, and as between different men and localities, without ruje or principle as a 
basis, simply guessing in each case, with the expectation that the average guesses for a 
jrear will cotDe within the fraction of a mill per ton per mile of the proper aroouat. 


This appears to be the present basis ot the value of rallvyay property. If tbc people 
need a flxefl rule or law for establishing the basis of rates, the companies need it even 
more. But such a law, to be just or beneficially effective, .should consider the rights of 
both parties. 
Mr. M. E. Ingalls, President of the Big Four and the Cliesapeake , & Ohiq, 

in an address to the conventloil of State Railroad Commissiouers in Washr 
ingiton, said: 

It is well, perhaps, that we should lools the situation fairly in the face, and while 
I do not care to be an alarmist I feel bound to describe plainly to you the condition 
today, so that you may understand the necessity for action. Never in the history of 
railways have tariffs been so little respected as today. . ■ Private arrangements and 
understandings are more plentiful than regular rates. The large shippers, the irre- 
sponsible shippers, are obtaining advantages which must sooner or later prove the ruin 
of the smaller and more conservative traders, and in the end will break up many of the 
commercial houses in this country and ruin the railways. A madness seems to have 
seized upon some railway managers, and a. large portion of the freights of the country 
Is being carried at prices far below cost. 

The Standard Oil Trust. 

The Standard Gil Trust is often held up by our Republican friends as an 
example of a great trust not founded upon the import tariff. That Js true. But 
no trust in this or any other country has ever received such rebates from the 
railroads as this combination. It has not only received rebates upon its awn 
shipments below that paid by any other producer of oil, but it is said, and 
very generally believed, that it has actually demanded that the railroads col- 
lect an excessive rate from the independent oil refiner and pay that excess 
to the Standard Oil Company. 

Not all other causes combined have contributed so potently to the estab- 
lisbment and power of trusts as the one thing of freight-rate discrimination. 

The Magnitude of Railroad Interests. 

For a moment consider the enormous magnitude of the railroad business of 
this country. The total railroad capital is about eleven billions of dollars. The 
gross railroad earnings per annum amount to one and a quarter billions,, som^ 
thing more than double the receipts of the United States Government from 
all sources, and 'considerably greater than the interest-bearing debt at the 
United States v?hicli, on June 30th, 1899, amounted to a little over one bil- 
lion doUai-s. The railroad companies operate 185,000 miles of road and em- 
ploy directly nearly one million of men, who, with, their families, malie about 
five milUons of our population dependent upon the railroads for their daily 

Fighting Water Transportation. 

The Government has appropriated from time to time $320,000,000 to improve 
our harbors and rivers, yet these great railroad corporations assume the 
right to make any rate, to points reached by vessels, necessary to "drive them 
out of the waters," while yet maintaining high local rates to intermediate 


Like all other great aggregations of wealth, the management of these great 
quasl-puhllc corporations stand opposed to the Democratic party, since its re- 
habititatlon on the principle of "equal rights to all, special privileges to 
none," would signal the vitalizing of the interstate commerce law and sound 
the death knell to special privileges granted favored patrons. 

Weakness of Existing Transportation Laws. 

Every year since the Supreme Court declared that Congress had failed to in- 
vest the Interstate Commerce Comnjission with authority to afCord practical 
relief to shippers, the Commission, in accordance with the provisions of the 
statute requiring it to suggest necessary amendments to Congress, has rec- 
ommended the passage of a law that would remedy the evils complained of. 
The present law, since the decisions of the courts above referred to. Is noth- 
Ing more than an instrument in the hands of the roads for the purpose of ex- 
torting from the gvieral public exorbitant published rates, . and a veil for 
granting special privileges and rebates to the great and powei-ful. Added to 
these recommendations of a non-partisan board, created by Congress itself, 
have been added within the past year the appeals of nearly every commer- 
cial organization In the country, together with innumerable letters from small 
lAdividual shippers, praying tliat Congress would hearken to the cry of the 
people, but to all such, the Bepublican committees of Congress have turned a 
deaf ear. 

A Petition to J. Plerpont Morgan, 

To illustrate the impotency of the law, and to show the contempt in which 
it is held by the shippers of the country, I quote from a statenjent made by 
Interstate Commerce Commissioner Charles A. Prouty before the Senate Com- 
mittee on Interstate Commerce last winter: 

I hold in my IianiJ a paper received this morning, published In the interests of the 
railroads of New York, in which It is said that the present condition of east-bound 
rates from Chicago to New York is outrageous; that ajl traffic practically is being 
moved upon something less than the published rate, and under contracts with the great 
shippers in Chicago. What does the man in Chicago do who is thus driven out of 
'business? Does he apply to the Interstate Commerce Commission? Past experience 
shows him that is useless. This paper indicates his opinion, and it contains a letter to 
J. Plerpont Morgan from a committee of grain shippers, asking him that his railroads 
observe a statute of the United States. I submit that the United States should see 
that its statutes are observed, and that the shippers of the United States should not be 
compelled to apply l;o J. Pierpont Morgan, or any other individual, to intercede with 
his railroad properties to secure the observance of this statute. 

Just think of the small shippers of the country appealing to J. Plerpont 
Morgan, the man who has done more to create trusts than any one living, 
which trusts receive the direct benefit from the rebates, imploring him to 
compel the railroads to comply with a statute of the United States, when Con- 
gress has fuE power under the interstate commerce clause of the Constitu- 
tion, to confer authority upon the Commission and the courts to right the 
smngs from which the people suffer 


Oppression of Small Shippers by Railroad Companies. 

What makes the rate discriminations so much more disastrous to the small 
dealer than the action of the ordinary trust is that, no matter how venal may 
be the latter, yet i't generally demands tribute of all alilie, but the railroad 
trust grants Its favors to the powerful few, laying its mailed hand upon the ' 
small unprotected shipper to make good its losses. 

Tills IS the injustice that saps the very foundation upon 'which commerce 
rests. It Is as inevitable as the law of gravity, that its unrestrained contin- 
uance means the passing aiway of the small shipper. 

Illustrate It by a concrete example. Suppose it costs 80 cents to manufac- 
ture a given article in New York, and the published railroad rate is forty cents 
on that article from New York to Chicago. Suppose it Costs the trust and the 
small dealer identically the same amount to manufacture it, but the trust re- 
ceives from th^, railroad a rebate of twenty cents whe% it ships the article 
to Chicago. Is it conceivable that the small dealer can long exist under these 
conditions? This is what is occurring to-day and every day. The small 
dealer no longer ships. It is more than he can do to hold his own in his 
immediate neighborhood against the distant, foreign trust, with its favored 

These great combinations and trusts care nothing about adverse legislation 
to prevent their combining as long as they are left a free hand to secure re- 
bates. They will reorganize and x-ecomljine to come within the terms of any 
law that can be placed. upon the statute books, as they are doing every day, 
but when Congress strikes at the rebate, it inflicts a mortal injury. The 
small producer or manufacturer should always be ready and willing to com- 
pete with the trust in meeting the advantages which may arise from economy 
in production, etc., because his close contact with the consumer will more than 
outweigh the advantages the trust may have, ai'ising from that source, but he 
cannot and he should not be compelled to meet the unfair, unjust and unlaw- 
ful advantages which the trust secures from our public transportation facil- 
ities. As against this, he will inevitably go to the wall. From it there is nq, 
escape. Mr. A. B. Stickney, in his work above refeiTed to illustrates this 
when he says: 

A guaranteed rate of transportatioa of even so small a sum as one-quarter of a cent 
per bushel less tlian any otlier middleman can get will give the man possessing it a 
monopoly of the business of handling the corn in the district covered by the guarantee. 

The general public Is not aware that the manufacturer located in Liver- 
pool, England, can ship his goods via New Orleans, La., to San Francisco, 
California, for less money than can the American manufacturer of a like ar- 
ticle located in New Orleans, and the same is true in shipping from Liver- 
pool via New York to Pittsburg, Pa. 

For these and other discriminations, there is no remedy under existing laws, 
and for relief, the people must look to the Democratic pai-ty, for the Ee- 


publicans, tte railroads and the ti-asts ara all dotcinated by the same in- 
fluences and no relief will ever be had at their hands. 

No Existing Remedy Against Railroad Extortion, 

It is a fact that cannot be contradicted that to-day any interatate railroad 
may charge whatever rate it sees tit and there is no tribunal in the United 
States that can grant any reliijf either for pa^t extortions or for future de- 
mands. Under existing la'ws neither the Interstate Commerce Commission 
nor ^ny court can prescribe what shall be the rate for the future; that Is a 
matter that Congress has left entirely and absolutely to the discretion of 
the railroads. To substantiate this assertion, see the case of I. 0. O. v. 
C. N. O. & T. P. Ry. Co., 167, U. S., 479.* 

Milton H. Smith, President of the Ijouisville & Nashville Railroad, in tes- 
tifying before the Interstate Commerce Commission, when aslied if a shipper 
living on his road would not have to pay the rate demanded by the railroad, 
said if the shipper does not like the rate "He can walli as he did before 
he had railroads, as thonsarids now do who have no railroads." 
' This is what the shipper does to-day— pays the rate demanded by the rail- 
road or walks, or, in tlie case of the small producer sells his goods at home or 
goes out of business, and this he will continue to do, until Congress sees fit 
to exercise its power under the Constitution "to regulate commerce." 

It remains to be seen how long the trusts of the country can divert public 
attention from the breeder of great con'.binations~the discriminating railroad 
rates— which Congress can destroy by direct legislation, or by, giving the ijower 
to do so to the Interstate Commerce Commission. 


•Section 6 of sucli statute expressly recognizes the rlglit of tlie carrier to establish, 
Increase or refiuce rates, on condition ol publishing and filing them with the Commis- 

The Interstate Commerce Commission has no power, to prescribe a tariff or rates 
which shall control in the future. 



A bill to donate hundreds of millions of dollars to a few of the largest ship- 
building companies in the United States was introduced in the Senate by. Mr. 
Hanna at the last session of the 55th Congress under the pleasing title of "A 
Bill to Promote the Commerce and Increase the Foreign Trade of the United 
States, and to Proyide Auxilliary Cruisers, Transports and Seamen for Goy- 
ernment use when Necessary." The bill was reported favorably with some 
amendn^ents so late in the session that no action, was talcen upon it. This 
same bill was Introduced in the House by Mr. Payne, and was reported back 
witti amendments. This bill was not acted 'upon. The reason why the 
measure was not pressed with more energj- was the certainty that it could 
not pass the Sena-te as that body was then constituted. Perhaps even the 
House was not yet prepared for so large a grab. The name of Senator 
Hanna was of course a guarantee of the earnestness of the support of the 
large ship-building companies in whose counting houses the bill had been 
approved and by whose lawyers it was probably drawn. At the same time 
the name of Senator Hanna was equally a warning that it might be too 
"broad and liberal" to meet the "narrow views" of those Republicans who 
thought their constituents had yet some interest in the public treasury, and 
who might object to seeing it raided. As an experienced charioteer driving 
two horses sees the importance of making a start when both animals are 
ready to puU and to go, so Senator Hanna might have thought that, inasmuch- 
as the Senate would be Kepublican in a few days, it would be better to wait 
until both the horses in his governmental wagon were equally manageable. 

If Mr. Hanna had at any time intended to ask the House to pass this bill in' 
the last hours of that Congress, there was ample cause for discouragement in 
the fierce attack made upon it on the 17th of February, two weeks before the 
final adjournment. On that day Mr. Clayton of Alabama, a member of 
the Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries, which had reported the 
bill, rose in his place and asked and obtained leave to pi-lnt as a portion of 
his remarks a criticism of the bill prepared by Dr. Samuel Adams Robinson, 
a prominent Republican and a member of "the Protective Tai'iff League 
Of America." He represented the Board of Trade la New Xork City in the 



latest OoDTentlan oomposed of representatives of the Boards of Trade and 
Chambers of Commerce throughout the country, and was In that body a 
member of its Committee on Merchant Marine. Let us see what this prom- 
inent Republican member of the Protective Tarite League of America, and 
prominent member ot the Board of Trade of New York City, thought of 
, Senator Hanna's proposed measure. Dr. Robinson commenced by stating that 
the enactment of the Wll into law would benefit him pecuniarily for the rea;- 
son that it wonld Increase the value of deep water front property owned by 
him in the city of New Yorli, and that be owned no property which it could 
injure. This statement he made to show that he was not moved by self-in- 
terest la opposing the bUl. He said that two months before, while a dele- 
gate to the National Convention of the Boards of Trade, he heard of this 
bill, although It had not been published, and was not introduced in Congress 
until four days .after the adjournment of that convention. He said that 
those interested in the bill were fully and ably represented, and were thor- 
oughly prepared to induce the convention to endorse it. He was informed by 
them Id the most positive manner that it would be useless to oppose it, as 
it would surely become n )aiw before the 4th of March, 1899. 

Dr. Robinson gave an interesting account of the influences at work for this 
bill. "Eeprfesentativos of the most' powerful transportation lines in the United 
States and Europe," had, he said, for years been working to secure some leg- 
islation In the Interest of these great corporations. The endorsement of 
this mefi-sure was presented in a resolution brought forward by "an able di- 
rector of one of our largest pailroads," approving the message of the Pr'es^ 
Went and the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and recommending a 
law to carry th^m into efCcct, and it was adopted. "It is likely that no del- 
egate," says Dr. Robinson, "except those pecuniarily interested in the Hanna- 
Payne bill Icnew enough about it, or understood the connection between It 
' and the railroad director's resolution well enough to know what his vote 
really signified." 

Resolutions favoring this legislation were passed through Boards of Trade 
and Chambers of Commerce without explanation, and then widely advertised 
as evidences of public opinion. The Doctor explained how the Chamber of 
Commerce of which he was p., meniber was prevented from falling into the 
tricli of endorsing it. At a meeting of the Board the resolution was read and 
was about to be acted upon without comment, when he briefly explained the 
measure, "with the result that that board unanimously refused to endorse 
It." He, stated that a very large part of the press in the United States re- 
fused to publish anything against the bill. It was because of this fact that 
he put his statement in the form of a circular. It was this circular that ilr. 
Clayton read in the House. He said he knew instances in which papers had 
been compelled by those advocating the bill to stop the publication of anything 
calculated to show the public its true character. The Doctor made the fol- 
lowing statement; . i 


"Men in very high positions would amaite me by their efforts to muzzle 
<the press with regard to this measure. In view of these facts. Representa- 
tives and Senators must not think that because aiuch is said for and, almost 
nothing against the -Hanna-P-ayne bill -in , the .newspapers: that... the peoRle 
will approve it when they learn its character. Indeed, I read a newspaper al- 
most' daily, whose- editor is td my certain knowledge q. . man'the 
Dill, while eivery issue of the paper aaio<ia.tes it and Urges its. passage.. Wheth- 
er this is done through the great advertising patronage of railroadSj steajn- 
ships and other corporate interests which are beneficiaries at the bill I do not 
know, but I do knoiw that never before in a long and busy life, during which I 
have always kept in reasonably close touch with the press of my country, have 
I had reason to suspect that the brutal power of capital and corporations could 
so the truth, and I warh them that our free schools have taught the 
people the importance of the free press." 

Dr. Robinson called attention to the fact that the steamship subsidy extends 
to railToads as well as ships, because they own more than half the stock 
of tlfe most important steamship companies. Railroad corporations own more 
than one-lialf of the wharf and dock privileges on the Atlantic, Pacific and 
Gulf coasts of the United States, and one-third of. the remainder is con- 
trolled by railroads and steamship companies working in harmony. "The 
passage of this bill,'' says Dr. Robinson, "would lead to an alliance or trust 
embracing practically all the transcontinental and trunk lines of railroad and 
oversea transportation Interests, which would be much the greatest monopoly 
the -world has ever known;" He estimated that the Standard Oil Company 
would be benefited by the bill to the extent of over a million of doUarS; a 
year. As to the cost of Mr. Hanna's measure, to be paid by the people, he 
presented a table giving the, result of most thorough ;study of this subject by 
Oapt. W.-B-. Bates;, author of "Merchant Marine," !'Rules for the Oonsti-uction ' 
and Classification of Vessels," formerly manager of Inland 'Lloyds Registry, 
ana late United States Commissioner of Navigation. Oapt. Bates made no 
Comments upon the merit of the bill. He simply calculated the cost. The 
taible is publisljed in Dr. Robinson's circular, and estimates the total cost 
during the tira«theilaw would be in operation .at $1,578,367,682. 

Dr. Robinson thus concludes his criticism: 

Please note that we ased to favor American ships only on what they actually carried. 
This bin proposes to pay them not for what they carry, nor what they could carry, 
but for their gross tonnage, which includes all their coal, machinery, etc., the full 
measured capacity of the ships; in short, to pay them roundly for every mile they iuore 
themselves. How long Avould our people submit to the GoTernment's selling. bonds to 
pay these -subsidies? But how could they help themselves when their Congressmen 
had mortgaged eveh tie right of eminent domain to the corporations owning the ships 
ami the mortgage Was for thirty years? 

The genesis of. this bill-is greed, its mask enterprise and patriotism, and its purpose 
monopoly. No foreign built or foreign manned ship should be subsidized with American 
money. If ships must be subsidized, let them be American built and American manned, 
ma let the law give ail the citizens of the X.[nited States equal opportunity 


V This fonniaaDie aocument may be found in Vol. 82, Part 2, of the 3d Ses- 
sion of the 55tli Congress at page 2006. 

The Hanna-Payne subsidy bill was Introduced again in each House im- 
mediately upon the commencement of the 56th Congress In December, 1899. 
Mr. Frye introduced it in the Senate, and reported it with amendments on the 
26th ojC February, 1900, Mr. Payne introduced it in the House of Represen- 
titaves and Mr. Grosvenor reported it with amendments from the Committee 
on Merchant Marine and Fisheries on the 12th of January, 1900. Adverse re- 
ports \^ere presented in the House,-^oue by Messrs. Chanler, Small and Rans- 
dell, and the other by Mr. Fitzgerald. (See Report No. 890 H. R., 1st' Sess. 56th 
Con. in 3 paits.) Mr. Frye's report is Senate Report No. 473, 1st Session 56th 
Congress. The Tariff Reform, Club of New Yorli have contributed valuable 
documents against the bill. Among them is the statement of Hon. John De 
Witt Warner, made before the House Committee on January 30th, 1900, as a 
representative of that club. The following sentences from his statement are 

"In proportion to American exports carried the subsidy Is from six to ten 
times as high on passenger steamers as on freight." 

"The object of this subsidy bill is cot to encourage the building of ships 
which would not otherwise be built, but further to fill the pockets of pros- 
perous gentlemen who, without subsidy, had already found It profitable to 
build the very ships, to subsidize which this bill is framed." 

The documents named well cover the ground, and should be studied by those 
who desire to be informed on the subject. The report of Mr. Fitzgerald thus 
summarizes the obie^*' «s made to the bill by Messrs. De 'V^'ries, Spight, Daly 
and himsftlf. 

Summary of Principal Objections to Bill. 

1. The objects professed la tiie title are entirely forgotten in the body of tiio bill. 

2. It is reasonably certain that the most of the subsidy would go to lines already 
established and prosperous. 

3. Under this bill the ordinary freight steamers, which carry SO or 90 per cent, ot 
our agricultural exports* will get but a fraction of the amount of subsidy which the 
passenger steamers .would' receive, although the latter carry less than 10 per cent, of 

"bur agricultural exports. 

4. under this bill a ship can run practically ia ballast and draw subsidy. We believe 
that when freight is not promptly offered it will pay a certain class of ships to run 
empty rather than to wait for cargo. . , 

5. This bill would tax all our citizens to provide extra profits for a favored few in 
this favored industry. - , 

6. The professions of this bill are Insincere and its principles are unsound. We 
believe that the best interests of this nation do not demand the passage of this or of 
any similar bill. 

All of which is respectfully submitted, 

iWM. D. DALY. 


PART SIX.— The Money Question. 



President McKinley always professed to be in favor of bimetallism uatil 
after he was .nominated for President of the United States. He T.oted in the 
House of Eepreseiitatives in 1877, for the Bland hill, whicli simply re-enacted 
the law for the unlimited coinage of gold and silver. After it had been 
hobbled in the Senate by the Allison amendment, dictated from Wall street, ha 
voted for it (in 1878) again, and when the bill was vetoed by President. 
Hayes he voted for its passage over the veto. 

In 1888, Mr. McKinley, then chairman of the platform committee of the Re-, 
publican national convention, reported to the convention and procured to be 
adopted on the subject of bimetallism the following plank: 

The Republican party is In faror of both gold ana silver as mbaey, and condemns" 
the policy of the Democratic Administration in Its efforts to demonetize silver. 

Mr. McKinley, in a public speech at Toledo, Ohio, as late as February 12, 
1891, said: ' ■ 

During all of Grover Cleveland's years at the head of the. Government he was dis- 
honoring one of our iireclous metals, one of our products, discrediting silver and enhanc- 
ing the price of gold. He endeavored even before his Inauguration to afflce to stop 
the coinage of sliver dollars, and afterwards and to the end of his Admluistra'tion per- 
sistently used his power to that end. He was determined to contract the circulating 
medium and to demonetize one of the coins of commerce, limit the volume of money 
among the people, make money scarce, and therefore dear. He would have Increased 
the value of money and diminished the value of everything else— money the master, 
everything else the servant. He was not thinking of "the poor" then. He had left 
"their side." He was not standing forth In their defence. Cheap coats, cheap labor, 
and dear money! The sponsor and promoter of these professing to stand guard over 
the welfare of the poor and lowly! Was there ever more inconsistency or ■ rpcklesir 


In 1892 the Bepubllcan party adopted this platform on tbe subject of bi- 

The American people, from tradition and interest, favor binaetallism, and tlie Republi- 
can party demand tlie use of botii gold and silver as a standard money, wltb sucii 
restrictions and nnder such provisions, to be determined by legislation, as will secure 
the maintenance of the parity of values of the two metals so that the purchasing 
and debt-payinj? power of the dollar, whether silver, gold, or paper, shall be at all times 
equal. We commend the wise and patriotic steps by our Government to secure an 
International conference and adopt such measures as will insure a parity between 
gold and silver for use as money throughout the world. 

Tbe National Republican Convention of 1896 at St. Louis adopted the fol- 
lowing resolution in favor of international bimetallism: 

The Republican party Is unreservedly for sound money. It caused the enactment of 
the law providing for the resumption of specie payments in 1879. Since then every 
dollar has been as good as gold. 

We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our currency or 
Impair the credit of our country. We are, therefore, opposed to the free coinage of 
silver except by international agreement with the leading commercial nations of the 
world, which we pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can be 6btained 
the existing gold standard must be preserved. All our silver and paper currency must 
be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor all measures designed to maintain 
tuvioiably the obhgaticns of tlje United States and all our money, whether coin or 
paper, ait the present sftandard,' the standard of the most enlightened nations of the 

This was satisfactory to the gold standard banking interests, becaus'e it 
. was an agreement not to restore silver coinage in the United States unless 
through an international agreement to which Great Britain should be a par- 
ty. The pledge to promote an internat|pnal agreement for bimetallism was 
inserted because It would be a formal endorsement of the bimetallic policy 
without, as many supposed, in the least endangering gold monometallism. 
It was an admission that the gold standard was an evil from whicji the 
Republican party would earnestly labor to relieve the people, and an as- 
sertion that this could only be done by British consent. Many Republican 
bimetallists were persuaded that under this resolution they could remain with 
the party, to which they were strongly attached, without abandoning the- 
cause of bimetallism. *It was the boast of Marcus A. Hanna, Chairman of the 
Natronal Republican Committee, in an interview shortly after the presiden- 
tial election, that the party had securefl large bodies of the farmer vote of 
the Northwest by this promise to promote international bimetallism. Stren- 
uous efforts were x^ade, after McKinley's nomination, to induce him to clear- 
ly state his position concerning the gold standard, but he proved to be as 
Incapalile of uttering the word "gold" as though he had been born dumb. He 
declared for "the best money in the world," accompanying it always with the 
declaration that there was no difference whatever in value between our gold, 
silver and paper dollars. 
In Ws inaugural he made the f ollov^ing reference to this subject: 

The question of international bimetallism will have early and earnest attention. It 
■will be my constant endeavor to secure it by , co-operation with the other great com- 
mercial powers of thfe world. Until that condition Is realized when the parity between 
our gold and silver springs from and is supported by the relative value of the two 


metals, the value of the silyer alreafly coined anil of that which may hereafter be. 
coined must be kept constantly at par with gold ,by every resource at our command. 
The credit of the Government, the Integrity of Its currency, and the Inviolability of Us 
obligations must be preserved. This was the commanding verdict- of the people, and' 
It will not be unheeded. . - ' 

In order to keep up an Sippearanoe of redeeming Ms ajid his party's 
pledge he sent to Europe, as representative of this government, Senator Wol-" 
cott of Colorado, ex-Vice President Stevenson of Illinois, and Mr. Payne of ^ 
Mass3.chusetts, to promote an ioternatioual bimetallic agreement. The French 
Government readily consented to become a party to such an agreement, and 
iitstructed its amb^sador in London, Baron 0e Courcel, to co-operate with 
the United States Commission. "These instructions,'" says Mr. Woloott, "stat-t 
ed unequivocally the, desire of France to secure the restoration of bimetallism 
by international agreement, at a ratio of fifteen and a half of silver to one 
of gold." Mr. Wolcott says: 

When we reached London and came to consider, jointly with the French Ambassador, 
the situation in England, " there seemed at first but few diflSculties in the way. Not 
only had the House of Commons declared unanimously by resolution on the 17tb day 
of March, 1896, as follows: •, 

"That this House is of opinion that the instability of the relative value of go'd and 
sliver since the action of the Latin Union in 1873 has proved injurious to the best inter- 
ests of this country, and urges upon the Government the advisability of doing, all in 
their power to secure by international agreement a stable monetary par of exchange 
between gold and silver"— 

but OB the same day both Mr. Balfour and Sir Michael Hieks-Beaoh clearly and une- 
quivocally stated the position of the English ministry; the same ministry through 
whom we were to negotiate. 

Mr. Balfour said: 

"The whole trend of civilized opinion Is in the direction of a double standard. 

* *, »* ♦ * *■ * *■ 

"It appears to me that under this system we are pledged, and the House is pledged, 
after- the speech of the Chancellor of the' Exeehequer, to do as much or more for the 
bimetallic ^stem, and for the rehabilitation of. silver, as it is in the power of any for- 
eign country to do. With this resolution we go to foreign Rations and tell them that, 
though you can hardly ask us to make this great change in our habits, we will do for' 
you as much as you can do for yourselves; we will make this great contribution, to a 
bimetallic system; we will go back upon the deliberately arrarifeed method of providing 
a currency for India; we will reopen the Indian mints; we will engage that they" shall 
be kept open, and ws shall, therefore, pravide for a free coinage of silver within the' 
limits of the British Empire, for a population greater in number than the populations 
of Germany, France and America put together. (Cheers.) 

* * * * * * * • m 

"I am glad, then, to think that the resolution will be carried by a large majority 
(cheers), and I hope it will be understood abroad— in Gerrnany, Ip IJ'rance and in Amer- 
ica—that this country is perfectly prepared to bear its fair share in any system which 
may, once and for all, put the international currency of the world upon a basis just 
both to the debtor and to the creditor, and a basis far less liable to ch'ange than either 
a monometallic gold basis or a monometallic silver basis can possibly be expected to 
be. (Cheers.)" 

Sir Michael HIcks-Beacb, himself a gold miSnometallst, said in terms: 
"I therefore do believe that In the matters which I have alluded to there are, as this 
motion states, evils affecting this country and pur Indian Empire In the present low 
value of silver, and we are pertecLly ready, as we have always b^en, to join with for- 
eign countries In conference as to the best way In which those evils rnay be alleviated. 


"What is the policy which, as a Government, we intend to pursue? As I have said, 
wc are willing, we are anxious, seeing that there are evils in the present low value i 
of silver and in the fluctuations in the value of the two metals, to ente'r into a confer- 
ence, or into negotiations, ;vhich certainly I believe at the present stage would be much 
better than a conference, with other countries upon this subject, but we are not pre- 
pared ta abandon the gold standard in the United Kingdom. 

4f * «-)|t * * * * « 

"We cannot, therefore, alter the gold standard of the United Kingdom; but, with 
that reservation, we are prepared, in the words of the resolution, to do all in our power 
to secure, by interhational agreement, a stable monetary par of exchange between gold 
and silvfer. 

«!«*«*•*• • 

"If it be possible for other nations to Join In a bimetallic agreement which seemeil 
good to themselves, I have little doubt but that the Indian Government would be pre- 
pared to assist by reopening the Indian mints to the free coinage of silver, and that we 
might endeavor, by other' minor means, to promote the increase of silver In coinage and 
thus aid in an Internat^ional agreement on this great question-" 

Not only so, but our own Ambassador, in May, but a few weeks before our arrival, 
and while we were already in Paris negotiating with the French ministry, had, in an 
interview with Lord Salisbury, been told that the English Government still adhered 
to the policy outlined in the speeches of its ministers in the House of Commons. 

We were not, therefore, intruders. We could present ourselves with the certainty 
of that reception which must follow direct and open invitation. And tlie welcome wa 
had the right to expect we received. From the day we reached England until v/e left 
ifflnally in October, our official treatment was everything that could be desired. The 
English ministry, in terms, aslicd the French Ambassador and ourselves to suggest 
wherein, in our opinion, England could materially contribute to a solution of the ques- 
tion, and at the same time retain for her own people the gold standard, and what are 
termed the "proposals" were not volunteered, and were made only by way of sugges- 
tion at the explicit request of the English ministry. When they were received they were 
treated with full consideration, as were the representatives of the two Governmentg 
conducting the negotiations. 

It does not appear from the above array of tSits that the proposition fof 
an international agreemeirt was treated with discourtesy. On the contrary, 
It was agreed to by tlie French Government and by the British Ministry. 
Our own ambassador had previously been assured that the English Govern- 
ment still adhered to the policy outlined in the speeches of its Ministers in 
the House of Commons above quoted from. 

More than this, Mr. Wolcott tells, us that at the request of the British 
Ministers, proposals were made by the French Ambassador and the United 
States Commissioners as to the contribution England should make to an in- 
ternatibnal agreement. These proposals, he says, were treated with the full- 
est consideration. They were in fact in harmony with the propositions al- 
ready made by the British 'Ministersr themselves. Says Mr. Wolcott: "The 
vital point in all our negotiations with Great Britain was of course India. 
Everything else was of comparatively slight importance." And Sir Michael 
Hicks-Beach, a gold monometallist, and Chancellor of the Exchequer, had said 
In fBe House of Commons: ^ 

"If it be possible for other natiobs to join in a bimetallic agreement which 
seemed good to themselves, I fee! little doubt but that the India Government 
would be prepared to assist by re-oijening the Indian mints to the free coinage 
Of silverj and that we might endeavor, by other minor means, to promote the 


Increase of silvev In coinage, and thus aid an International agreement ob 
tliis great question." ', ' . . ; 

AVitli all these favoring conditions, and with nothing wanting bnt the as- 
sent of the British Government in India to the reeommendation 0!f the Brit- 
ish GoTerument in England, the consnmmation of the agreement TVas pre- 
vented only by the startling announcement in London that President Mc- 
Kinley vi'as opposed to it. He made an announcement to Congress which toofe 
the ground from under the feet of the Wolcott Commission, and placed them in 
the attitude of being either impostors or the dupes of the President Mr. 
Wolcott's devotion to the political fortunes of President McKinley so far 
erceeded his devotion to the cause of bimetallism that he refrained fi-om 
maUing any statement of this fact. The fatal blow which President Mc- 
Kinley delivered to the cause which he professed to hate so much at heart 
at the very time when it would be otherwise have succeeded, was contained 
In tEe following message sent by him to Congress: 

To the Congress ot the tTnlted States: 

In my message convening the Congress In extraordinaTy session T called att.entioTi to H 
Single subject— that of providing revenue adequate to meet the reasonable dnrt proper 
expenses Of the Government. I believed that to be the most pressing snbjpot for settl'ft- 
ment then. A bill to provide the necessary revenues for the Government bas a.lready 
passed the House of Representatives and the Senate and awaits Kxeeutive action. 

Another question of very great importance is that of the establishment of our eiir- 
rency and banking system on a better basis, which I commented upon in my IrLiinsnral 
address in the following words: 

"Our financial system needs some revision; oilr money is all good now, btit its value 
must not further be threatened. It should all be put upon an Cndurihg basis, not sub- 
ject to easy attack, nor its stability to doubt or dispute. The several forms of our 
paper money offer, in my judgment, a copstant embarrassment to the Government and 
Imperil a safe_balance In the Treasury.'' 

Nothing was settled more clearly at the late national election than the determination 
upon the part of the people to keep their currency stable in value and equal to that of 
the most advanced nations of the world. 

The soundness of Our currency is nowhere questioned. No loss can occur to its hold- 
ers. It is the system which sliould be simpliflea and strengthened, Icocping our money 
Just as good as it is now with less expense to the Government and the people. 

The sentiment of the country is strongly in favor of early action by Conjrress In thl3 
direction, to revise our currency laws and remove them from partisan contention. A 
notable assembly of businesd men with delegates from twenty-nine States and Terri- 
tories was held at Indianapolis in January of this year. The financial situation eom- 
manded tlielr earnest attention, and after a two days" session the convention recom- 
mended to Congress the appointment of a monetary commission. 

I commend this report to the consideration ot Congress. The authors of the report 
recommend a commission "to make a thorough investigation of the monetary affalra 
and needs of this country In all relations and aspects, and to make proper suggfestlons 
as to any evils found to exist and the remedies therefor." 

nfhls subject should receive the attention of Congress at Its special session, tt ought 
not to be postponed until the regular session. 

I therefore urgently recommend that a special commission bo created, nonpartisan In 
Its character, to be composed of well-informed citizens of different parties who will 
command the confidence of Congress and the country because of their special fitness 
for the work, whose duty it shall be to make recommendations of whatever changes 
In our present banking and currency laws may be found necessary and expedient, and 
to report their conclusions on or before the 1st day of November next, in order that 


the same may be transmUted'iy'me to'dongress for Its consideration at Its first regular 
session. y ii-> "'iK I',' > I " 

It Is to be hoped that the rppprb ithits made will be so comprehensive and sound as 
to receive the support ol ail^parties a^^d the favorable action of Congress. At all events, 
such a report cannot fall to be of value to the executive branch of the Government, as 
well as to those charged. ivltb piibiic legislation, and to greatly assist in the establisli- 
ment of an Improved system of finance. 

Executive Mansion, July 2i, iso'i. 

This "aotaWe assembly of business men" lield at Indianapolis was made up 
exclusively of the most virulent and bigoted of the gold monometallists. It 
was in no popular sense a representative body. It was held in January, and 
its objects and expressed vie\vs were in as direct antagonism to the profes- 
sions made by the Republican party in the iVlcKinley campaign as they were 
td those of the party which supported Mr. Bryan. Such of the delegates as 
did not appear in it l)y their own appointment came from the most hide- 
bound business associations, fanatically devoted to gold monometallism. It 
was such an assembly as this that excited the ardent interest and admir- ' 
ation of President McKinley. He said it was "notable" and contained "del- 
egates from twenty-nine States and TeiTitories." The false inference might 
easily have been drawn from this expression that they came as representa- 
tlTes from the people of those States and territorlesj whereas they only rep- 
resented national banks and trade associations wholly domiuated by them. 
The President assured Oongress that the financial situation had commanded 
the earnest attention of these wonderful men, and that, as the result of a 
two days' session, the so-called convention had recommended to Congress the 
appointment of a monetary . commission, meaning, of course a gold standard 
.oomrnission. This report was sent tO' the President with orders to have It 
transmitted ^to Oongress, which orders he promptly obeyed. The report stat- 
ed the objects of the proposed monetary commission, and so much was he 
In accord with them that he urged the attention of CJongress at the special 
session, saying that "it ought not to be postponed until the regular session." 
This report, which demanded the instant attention of Oongress, contained the 
declaration that "a consistent, straightforward and deliberately planned mon- 
etary system shall be inaugurated," and announced what they thought its 
fundamental basis should be. Its first and leading feature was that "the 
present gold standard shall be maintained." Following this was the gradual 
retirement of all United States notes, and the substitution of a "safe and 
elastic circulation." 

Tffe familiar falsehood contained In the expression "the present gold stand- 
ard" was an echo of the falsehood in the St. Louis Republican platform con- 
tained in the expression the "existing gold standard." It was not intended to 
deceive the well-informed. The gold monometallic leaders were willing to 
brand themselves as falsifiers among those who could not be deceived, for the 
,Rake of the support they hoped to' receive from others by the false pretense 
that they were maintaining something already In existence, instead of seeking 



a violent cliange iu our monetary system." The "stealthy "demonetization of 
silver in 3.S73 temporarily established the gold standard, but the Bland- Allison, 
Act of 1S78 restored (lie btpietallic stanJai^J and ^;eoMned our mints to the 
coinage of silver to^ be purchased by the goverpment. ^.The double standard, 
thus restored in 1878, continued to be the standard of this country until the 
passage of the gold staniiard act of 1900. The repeal iu 1893 of the Silver Pur- 
chase Act simply closed our mints to the coinage of any silver bullion ex- 
cept that already purchased by the goyernment. It did not in the slightest 
degree affect the then existing double standard, nor did k profess to do so. 
Even the new^ law does not imnaediately destroy the ''existing" double 
standard. It merely pronounces the sentence of death upon it at such fu- 
ture time as. may result from the manipulations by the executive department 
which It authorizes. 

The President's message supporting the Indianapolis manifesto was cabled, 
of course, to London for tlie obvioHS purpose of protecting the gold cause 
from the consummfttioji of an international agreement, which, as above shown, 
had unes:pectedly become imwinent. It was not intended for any action in 
Congress at that time,..althi^ugh it professed to be so. It was sent in on the 
very last day o^ the extrq. session of that body. Three days before, the House 
had adopted a concurrent -resolution for a final adjournment of Congress on 
the 24tli of July at 9 o'clock p. m. .The Senate had not yet acted upon it. Im- 
'mediately upon receipt of the President's Indianapolis message a resolution 
Was Inti'oduced for the creation and appointment of a monetary commission. 
Under the ironclad rules of the House this was put through under the pre- 
vious question after a sixty-minute debate. Meanwhile the same message was 
lying upon the table of t'he Vice President of the Senate, but not yet an- 
nounced. A motion to take it up was resisted by the Republicans until they 
had first made its eohsideration impossible by securing the Senate's concur- 
repce in the House. resolution to adjourn at o'clock on the evening of that 
very day. The administration Kepublieaus in the House had complied with 
the President's recommendation to act upon the question at that session, but- 
the administration Republicans in the Senate filibustered against taking it up 
until final adjournment had been fixed lor 9 o'clock that evening. The Sen- ■ 
ators on the other side offered to remain whatever time might be necessary 
to act upon the President's message. To this Mr. Aidrich of Rhode Island, 
tlie Republican leader on that side, and a staunch supporter of the President, 
boldly replied: 

So fa.r as X know there is not a Seiialor sitting on this side of that aisle who exnects 
any action on this message, or any eurreucy legislation at this session of Congress, or 
any consideration of the subject. So far as a responsibility of that position is con- 
cerned, I think we are ail ready to accept it fully, I hope now that by unanimous 
consent a vote may be taken upon the question of final adjournment. 

Nothing could more clearly liave demonstrated the insincerity of the Pres-^ 
Ident's professed desirp to have action upon it at that tjme, Jts soje object wa* 


that It might be used as a' ve'Aicle'for iiimediately cony^yilig to the British 
Ministry the fact, that' tA'^^^resicl'ent' 'was 'not in earnest 'in seeifeing an inter- 
national agreement. It had' tiie'iiime efEect as would i'tjersonal message from 
him in the following wof^s:'" '"" 

"Don't make fools of yotirselves. I did not think you would be silly 
enough to really think that I desired an international agreement when you 
know the money it cost the gold syndicate to have me elected, expressly to 
prevent bimetallisla In any form whatever. I sent the Wolcott Commis- 
sion merely to carry out the game I played'iipon the voters of this country. 
Ton can use my message of to-day as an excuse for stopping your India 
Government from carrying out your recommendations for the reopening at the 
Indian mints to the free coinage of silver." 

The effect of Mr. McKinley's message in London fulfilled' the fondest ex- 
pectations of his managers at home. Of Course it put an fend td all nfegotia- 
tlons on the, subject. It was announced in I/ondoh later on that the India 
Qovernment had refused to reopen the Indian mints to this free coinage of 
silver. Of course the India Government did a,s it was ordered to do by the 
British Government, and the British Government could not well stand out- 
against the combined attacks of the New Yorlr and London bankers, rein- - 
forced, as they were, by President McKitfley. 

Senator Stewart, of NeVada, thus terribly arraigned the President thfe fol- 
lowing l)ecember, the latter having mentioned the Wolcott Commission In 
his annual message: 

■Why should the President speak kindly of the commission which he betrayed when 
he commended the single gold standard plan of the Indianapolis conference to Con- 
gress, at the critical point when a favorable answer was anticipated from Great Britain? 

■What we object to on the part of the Administration is its persistent double dealing 
In giving the international bimetallists honeyed words, whlle»the whole power of his 
Administration and all the aiders and abettors of the gold standard are deliberately 
engaged in promoting legislation to perpetuate the single gold standard In this country 
and. to make international bimetallism Impossible. If the Administration would boldly 
proclaim that the pretense in the St. Louis platform in favor of international bimetal- 
lism was a fraud to deceive the American people and place the Republican party in 
power,, to perpetuate the gold standard in this country, the President would be liberated 
from the necessity of living a transparent subterfuge. 

The President's policy, after defeating international bimetallism, was to 
postpone until a more auspicious time the other part of his agreement with 
the gold power, namely, to fasten the gold standard upon this country, to de- 
Btroy the money function of silver and to delegate to private banks the gov- 
ernment's .prerogative of issuing paper currency and controlling its volume. 
That time had to wait for a change of political complexion in the Senate. 
This change came through the election of 1S98, the results of which were in- 
Uuenced mainly by the war with Spain and the necessary identification of 
the McKinley administration with that war. 

On the lith day of March, 1900, the ironclad gold standard, anti-silver and 
anti-greenback biU was approved by the President. The passage of this bill 


■was a gross violation of the pledges upon whlcli tlie Republican party 
was given power by tine election of 1896. If it bad been advocated 
in the financial plank of the St. Louis platform that year, in place of the 
promise concerning international bimetallism, no intelligent person In the 
land vrill say that the Republicans could have made William McKlnley Pres- 
ident. Every vote cast for him by an international bimetallist was by this 
bill neutr.ilized and made to produce a result to which they were opposed,- 
The violation of the pledges on which a President is elected is equivalent in 
immorality to the stuffing of the ballot box with the number of votes equal 
to those cast by the men who ar*-tf)us defrauded by bis broken promises. 


CHAPTER XSiXUl. , , . 



WiUiam MeKialey declares that the standard silver dollar Is worth only 
fifty cents, that it is a dishonest dollar and one which it is a crime to palm 
off on the people for 100 cents. He declares it to be nothing but a promise to 
pay a gold dollar. In .short, that it is a promissory note printed on sUver in- 
stead of on paper, and, therefore, a foolish expenditure when paper would an- 
swer the same purpose. And yet, while holding up his hands in horror at the 
thought of silver coinage, he has coined thirteen millions of them during the 
four months of this year ending June 30th. This is more than three mil- 
lions a month— much more thart was ever coined in the same length of time 
under the Bland-Allison act, which was on the statute-book from 1878 un- 
til 1890, and nearly as much as was ever coined within any four months dur- 
ing the time the Sherman Purchase Act was on the statute-book. When 
the Sherman Purchase provision of law Was repealed in 1893 there was a 
vast amount of silver bullion in the Treasury which had been purchased un- 
der that law, but which, in defiance of law; the Secretary of the Treasury had 
refused to coin. When the treasury notes which had been issued for the pur- 
chase of that *oin came into the treasury, they were cancelled and a like 
amount of silver dollars were coined, and silver certificates were issued and 
paid out, the silver dollars remaining in the Ti'easnry, for their redemption. 
This process was very slow, but during all of Cleveland's second administra- 
tion these despised flfty-eent dollars were b6ing coined as above prescribed. 
In 1898 Congi-ess added to the Spanish war loan biU a clause providing that 
this silver bullion in the Treasury should be coined at a rate of not less than 
a millioFflve hundred thousand dollars per month. This act was approved by 
President McKinley. He made no suggestion that the ratio should be 
changed so that there would be in every silver dollai- silver bullion to the gold 
value of a hundred cents. On the contrary he approved the sixteen to one 
ratio, and has caused fltfy-three millions of these "clipped" dollai-s to be 
Issued. In his speech at Canton accepting the renomination for the presi- 
dency, he said: 


Record of the McKinley Administration. 

The menace of 16 to 1, therefore, stiK hangs over us, with all its dire consequences 
to credit ana'"fednfl(leuc&, ifo business and'inaufetrgni'jnf) ar. 

In commenting on, tljjs statement, the Indifi,ij^apolis Sentinel says: 
We presume there Is not a person of ordinary .intelligence in the country who does 
not know that 16 to 1 is the coinage rate of the country, and' that it is the same now 
that it was before Mr. McKinley went into office. There is no "instead of 16 to 1," as 
Mr. Mckinley falsely states. It is here as it has been for years, and Mr. Mckinley , 
has shown no hostility to it. On the contrary he has coined millions of silver dollars 
at that ratio. The olHclal statement of the standard silver dollars coined at the ratio 
of 16 to 1 during his Administration' is as follows: 

'■' " 1897. 

March ■..■....■."..... 1,400,250 August 

April _. . . . 1,400,000 September '. 100,050 

May 1,400,000 October 620,000 

June ''.'. 1,475,101 November 1,500,000 

July ....:■....!,. ...^. ...,.i. December .1,604,330 


January ;..:...>..;; ....1,250,000 July .' 310,000 

. February 1,03^,225 August 1,698,000 

llarch, 1,100,075 September 830,075 

April 684,000- October 2,002,000 

-May , ,. 1,296,000 , November 1,402,000 

June ...., .■■,•■••■ 816,100 December 2,006,260 


January 1,536,000 July 408,000 

February 1,512,000 August 830,000 

March .,.„.........._ 1,900,301 September 870J.45 

April .......'...; ^". .-. . .' 1,634,000 October 1,000,000 

May ..-...-. 2,214,000 November 'SSO.OOO 

June 1,210,073 December 1,120,327 


January 1,550,000 April 2,922,000 

February , 1,940,000 May 3,162,496 

March 4,100,377 June 3,120,076 

Here is a total of over $53,000,000, all in standard silver dollars, and all coined at the 
ratio of 16 to 1. There have been only two months in his Administration when he did 
not. have silver coined at that ratio, and yet he tells us that the "menace of 16 to I 
hangs over us." It is "the most babyish, false pretense that was evet made for Mr. 
McKinley to claim that there has been any change in the ratio or any attempt to 
chaage it during his Administration. And what is more, this silver that he has coined 
was all bought below its coinage value, and he has carried the "seignoria^e" on it to 
the credit of the Government, and paraded it as "revenue" secureO by his style of 
legislation. While he is pretending to be horror stricken at the "repudiation" involved 
In 16 to 1 dollars, he has added over $500,000,000 to the stock of them and has credited 
over Ifl0,000,000 of this as profits on the books of the Treasury: Certainly Mr. McKin- 
ley's mind must be failing If he expects anyone to believe that he has any objection, to 
a 16 to 1 coinage ratio. 

When a panic was threatened in Wall street last March the mints were put at work 
coining more money so a panic could be averted. Even last month over ?3,000,000 were 

And so it appears that this rabid gold standard administration is in debt 
to the fifty-cent silver dollars and grinds them out faster than was done un- 
der Ihe recliless administrations of Hayes, Garfleld, Arthur ajid Cleveland, 


uivr ,?u 1970 5; .1 , ^ 

and nearly as fast as fliirlngti*Jieiimore libei'al admimstsstion of Harrison, 
when four millions of^'^ottffc^&'^^er montb were purchased' for coinage and 
"added to the. clfcuia'tloii;iii"'f'he form of treasury notes. If there' had been 
any honesty ,iu. the outcry .against silver dollars, the silver bullion in the 
treasury would have been coined into dollars 'weighing about seven to the 
.pound, . . , . '^ . 1 .. 

President McKinley, however,' is probably the most accomplished rider in a 
two-horse act of any politician in the world. He is impartially on both sides 
of all questions. Most performers can only ride two horses going in the 
same' direction; but Mr. McKinley, as in the above case, can ride two 
horses going in oppjosite directions, and, as they separate from each other, the 
spectator beholds the illusion of. seeing him on each one of them shouting 
loudly that li# is on the other. 

The New York Evening Post explains that the President In coining these 
dollars was only obeying the law, a renjiark worthy of Jack Bunsby, who used 
to say on similar occasions: "If so be, as is, why then so be." The tiling 
for the Post to explain is why it has refliained the la-n' under a Republican 
President and .Congress? If this bullion had to be coined into dollars, why not 
put a gold dollar's worth of silver btillion in every silver dollar, which Repub- 
li(Jans tell us is the only hocest dollar? 

Hon. John W. Kern, the Democratic Candidate for Governor 
of Indiana, on 16 to 1. 

The Democrats of Indiana have a candidate for governor who is asking 
troublesome questions on this subject as follows: 

■ Our Republican bretliren seem to be greatly disturbed about 16 to 1, and they sbould 
be disturbed. Sixteen to one is the ratio fixed by statute for tbe coinage of gold' and 
silver.- -Tbe K^publlcans have both Houses of Congress and the President. Why don't 

' they repeal the statute? They have it in their power to get rid of 16 to 1, and while 
they^Are denounqing is'as idiotic they allow the statute to remain, and McKinley Is 

.going on colAipg millions of dollars every month— every dollar at the rat'o of 16 to 1. 

' There seems £0 be no dltEerence between the parties on the question of ratio. They 
differ as to free coinage, as to trusts and imperialism, but on 16 to 1 they stand together, 

■ If the MoKiniey party wanted to inalte 16 to 1 an issue they ought , to have repealed the 
j?.'.,t0 1 statute and should quit coining money at the ratio of 16 to 1. Uutilthey do so 

-their noise about 16' to 1 will be about the most ridiculous thing In politics. 


.. -■■jr ^ii\h 


The financial bill of March 14, 1900, was kind indeed to the National Banks. 
These philanthropic institutions would like to be understood as having been 
run for the public benefit, only, for many years. They had to pay so much 
premium on bonds and received so much less of circulating notes than the 
par value of the bonds deposited by them that their circulation fell consid- 
erably short of being a free gift to them, which of course it ought to be 
under any wise financial system. When national banks were first organized 
greenbacks were worth fifty cents on the dollar, and were exchangeable for 
bonds at par. Therefore, the investment of $50,000 in gold would bring $100,- 
000 in greenbacks, and this $100,000 in greenbacks would buy $100,000 in 
bonds, bearing interest then at six per cent. These bonds could then be de- 
posited with the Secretary of the Treasury, and he would endorse the notes of 
the bank up to the amount of $90,000. The interest on the bonds continued on, 
and was regularly paid to the depositor. The confidence of the community in 
every national bank established >under the law insured deposits equal to the 
amount of the capital invested, which would be, in this case, $100,000. The 
transaction resulted as follows: 

The amount Invested was $50,000 in gola 

Upon this the investor received the following annual returns^ 
6 per cent, interest in gold on the $100,000 in bonds. $6,000 

This converted into greenbacks woula oe. 12,000 

6 per cent interest on the bank issue of $90,000 5,400 

6 per cent, on $50,000 of the deposits 3^000 

Total 20,400 

Out of this amount he paid an inconsiderable tax; but the net earnings were 
not Ifess than 18 per cent, on the original investment of $100,000 in green- 

"Bi|t evil things in robes of sorrow-W' 
'Assailed this monarch's high estate." ' 

In the course of time specie payment was resmned, and the bonds which 
had been bought for 50 per cent, in gold mounted to a premium above par 


to goM. Stiecessive refunding acts reduced the Interest, but never brought the 
bonds down to par except on the day of sale. Immediately afterwards they 
went up again. The new 4 per cent, issue under Mr. Cleveland are now quoted 
at 133. It was very distressing to the banliers to have to pay a premium on 
bonds to deiposlt as security for bank Issues, and then to receive in circulat- 
ing notes only 90 per cent of the par value of the bonds. If the banli bought 3 
per cent, bonds at 10&, they could only deposit them as security for 90 per cent. 
of that amount. Of course it was very nice lor the banker to get 3 per cent, 
interest; on bis $100, and 6 per cent, on his $90 and 6 per cent, on a like 
amount of tleposits. But yet it was not as good a thing' as to' giVe $100 for 
a bond and immediately receive as a gift the full amount of fibo in crisp 
ueiw national bank noites endorsed by the government; and retail! the bwner-- 
ahSp of the bond besides. The beatific sta!te has' lioW beeti riiaehed hf the- 
banEers. They have buncoed "Uncle Sam" into' putting biitJ'^ustiiB nafeny 2 
per cent, beads as they may call for; attd whitevel" bafiltfer^i«^ll biijf one' 
of these lOO bonds at the Treasui'y, can get every eent of the moneji- baoK 
again Immediately by leaving the bond -with the Sectetary -6f the Trtosury 
for safe keeping; aiid he walks out with $100 in iiew national bank notesi 
For this privilege he pays a tax of fifty cents on the $ltiO of the notes in 
circulation. This would be $500 a year on $ieoi6O0. ' 

The machine is no^w running on weU-oildd -W^heels. Holders of bonds of all 
classes,— threes, fours and fives,— can take tHem to the Treasury and receive a' 
like amount of 2 per cent, bonds, besides cash for the difference in valufe 
between the high interest bond^ and the new 2's. This is calculated to the- 
last penny. Nobody would give lOO cents on the dollar for a 2 per cent, bond 
as an investment, but as a device for keeping down to par value a bond that 
can be used as a basis for circulation of banks the 2 per cent, bond is just the 
trick. It is a sort of premium on the destruction of greenbacks. Every" 
greenbacli that goes over the counter of a bank from a depositor will go to 
the Treasury for redemption, and will there be placed in a vault never again 
to see the light. Its sentence of death has been coirimuted to life imprison-' 
ment It is redeemable in gold. Gold is exchangeable for gold certificates for 
flSnvenience of carriage by its owner. The 2 per cent, bonds are going off like' 
bet cakes, for the purpose of producing new and crisp national banknotes to 
supply the vacuum occasioned by the withdrawal of the greenbacks from 
circulation. Wben the greenbacks shall all have been incarcerated in the 
dark duBigeons of the Treasury, then will come the assault upon the silver 
<j#tlflcates. These too must all be destroyed to make room for tlje national 
bank circulation so profitable under the new system of depositing only 2 per 
cent, bonds. The Secretary of the Treasury long since denied the silver dol- 
lar and the certificate of its deposit the function of money in the settlement of 
bank balances at the New York Clearing House, or rather he allowed the 
Clearing House, In which the government was a representative, to do this. 
At the slightest suggestion from him, silver dollars might be quoted ata 




discount— «ay of a quarter of one per cent and, under the law, he could 
immediately, announce his readiness , to "ig^jjljf yjj 1;^e parity" by substituting, 
gold coin fo?, the eilt;^ dollars or si},jev .^v}^gfg^gp<i^sd\ who might present 
them at any .sub-treasuj.^. These would si(^rt,(go-,^g-,way of the greenbaclis, 
and for every silver certificate or silver dollar ,thps converted into gold coin, 
national banlj: notes would rush in to fill the vacuum. Silver dollars thus 
discredited would, if the Republican party continued in power, soon be de- 
nied by law their present partial legal tender quality, and throrwn into the 
Ti'easury vaults. It is the avbwed aim of the great national bank trust to 
have no legal tender moaey in the United States except gold coin, ^.nd no paper 
circulating medium except the national bank notes, which would not be a 
legal tender. Then the business man would borrow shinplasters and pay gold, 
according to true "business principles;" His ability to get the gold with 
which to pay. a debt would depend upon the amount of his property the gold 
trust mightwant in exchange for it.- In other words, he would be indebted to 
the forbearance of the dealers in gold for any property he might have left af- 
ter selling enougti to pay his debts in gold. 
The whole system of banks of issue is 

A Gigantic Steal From the People. 

This is not because there .is any danger that the government will ever 
to redeem any of the banknotes at any loss to itself, because, if forced to re- 
deem them it would obtain the money for that purpose by selling the 2 per 
cent, bonds' deposited as security for it. The steal consists in allowing a 
thousand millions of the promissory notes of private banks, which will in 
time be kept in circulation, to be endorsed by the government, which en- 
dorsement alone makes them valuable and keeps them in circulation. If a man 
can keep his own notes perpetually in circulation for $100,000, he has added 
that much to his wealth. A loan which it is agreed shall never be paid is 
equivalent to a gift. A bank circulation which is always to remain at the 
same volume,— new notes to take the place of any that may be redeemed,— is, 
in like manner, a gift outright to the banks. If the government were to abol- 
ish tlie national bank issues, and to issue a like amount of its own notes, these 
would remain in perpetual circulation, and would, therefore, like any loan 
which is never to be paid, be a gift to the government— that is a gift to 
the people of the United States. It would be so many millions of wealth 
owned by the people of the United States, Instead of being owned by pri- 
vate corporations upon the guarantee or endorsement of the United States. 
Every national banknote in circulation derives its sole value from "Uncle 
Sam's" endorsement. Why should he endorse another's paper instead ot cir- 
culating his own? The bunco steerers who invented and who maintain the 
system say they do it to save the United States the reproach of being "in the 
banking business." They do not save him from being the endorser of their - 
bank notes. veri' activolyengaged in thejjauking business ol endorsing 


fenlc notes, In which neithe^i' uyfaWtHe people have the slightest In tsrt St. -"Even 
this catch word, that thi'lsliiftfe^foff'^ea^ii'ry notes Is "the banking business," 
Is a falsehood. It is tio''nS9¥e'^'fe^l'^itrimafe business of a banfcto issue circu- 
lating hbtes than it is t^i t-hfein Wcoin moneyor'to'iSsue Government bonds. 
lif the 'people would think %his over -ami understand it, the national banking 
system in-thls ebiiiiiry *'ould speedily be crushed by their might as easily as 
though 4t were an eggshell. Wheheorer thef can be brought to realize that paper 
money dosts nothing and re^ts selely ufion the credit of its maker or indorser, 
and when they realize that no national bank aote rests upon the credit of (ha; 
.Hiaker, but solely ttpOn the credit of the Government of the United States -as its 
indotser, they will see that for "tincle Sam" to indorse the bank notes of other 
people, instead of circulating his own, costs the people of the, United States 
exactly the amount of which he thus deprives the Government, and which, by 
his Indorsement, he makes good in the hands of private corporatlonsr 


■ J 'I jwoq o 
.:li aiEi 

■jo'tyrf fii.Pif .J 

'■"■a or 1 . 




Extracts from the Speech of Honorable Henry M. Teller, 

Delivered in tiie United States Senate, July 14, 1900— 

It Authorizes the Unlimited Sale of Bonds. 

Mr. Teller said: . 

"Mr. President:— I wish to disc-uss very Drlefly this finaj act of the Senate in 
connection with the financial bill. I am not going into any academic dis- 
cussion or any extended consideration of it. I desire, however, to look a lit- 
tle into each provision of the conference report, which, with some changes. 
Is tie bill we passed through the Senate. By section 1 it is made the duty 
of the Secretary, of the Treasury to maintain the parity between all forms 
of money isstied or coined by the United States, and it leaves it to the dis- 
cretion of the Secretary to determine what is necessary to accomplish that 
purpose. It is to be maintained at a parity of value with this standard; that 
is, with the gold standard. 

"That puts into the hands of the Secretary a power which I think is very 
dapgerooas to give to any one man. It is not simply a power to exchange a sil- 
ver doUaj for a gold dollar or a gold dollar for a silver dollar or paper for gold. 
It is to maintain the parity in any way in which in his judgment it shall he 
necessary to maintain it. If he thinks it is necessaryto issue bonds, he can 
issue them. If it is necessary to buy gold, he can buy gold. The power is 
lodged with him, under this provision, to employ any method that he sees 
fit to maintain the parity 

"I only need to say that such a power ought never to be given to the Exe- 
cutive." , 

It Contemplates a Perpetual and Increasing Public Debt. 

"Now, when the Secretary has failed to get gold under these methods, no 
matter haw little effort he has made, then comes the question of the issue 
of bonds, which is, after all, the most vicious feature of this part of the 
bill. Having established the gold standard,, it was thought necessary that 

tEEl/EIt ON THE CrDRRBNCTT Bill}. jg^^ 

the Treasury should have power to borrow money at all times without lim- 
itation in order to maintain it. 

"Mr. President, I have said before that I believe that the power to issue 
bonds must be exercised. I do not believe the gold standard is of sufficient 
value to justify the extension of the public debt; but I do not believe it can 
be maintained without it. As I said the other day, every nation that has at- 
tempted to maintain the gold standard has had to resort to extra measures 
and efforts to maintain it. Grjea^t-BritalB^as W6( kivs.w, mined the best part of 
hei- population in the eflfort. She had itO.OOO men who lived in their own 
htfmes, who pwneid their own land, who educated tjieir sons at Knglls:^' col-, 
leges, who fitted them for the discharge- of the vipry highest -duties of cltl-*- 
zenship either at home or abroad. When ^fie had!got (through wjth that effort, 
inside of twenty-4ve years, she had reduced 'her iTf^dOiO' liidepeMent land- 
holders and yeomanry to 30,000. She paid %prJpe for thetgol^j^J^dardfinfin-.r 
itely greater than oughtto have been paid; and l?ut . for the j^a;gjt^that a, great- 
ly Increased'output of gold came in 1848 and subsequently,, a sl^lLgreater sac- 
rifice would have been necessary. If the production of gold after 1848 had 
been no greater than it was from 1809 to 1848, in my judgmierft the feritish 
Government would not have been the power it is ib-dfey/ ^~ ' ' 

"Under this bill I predict that' we shall" contiiiurtlie'-'iktiDQal debt, in- 
creasing it gradually year by year, and 'that no' Wn' iKrtv' iivitig will see- 
It paid. I do not suppose the pebpl^ who favoi-' this bill ever^ want fo see 
the national debt paid. It was the pdlicy of the'li^^ublican pkrty for many- 
years to pay it. We have paid a thousaiid 'elglit "hilndred 'tn&liofi doflajs in- 
less time than any government in the woM'^iad' ever' -p'did a fourth part of- 
that sufia. This payment was made uiider Republican administration, TVith a, 
steady determination at' that time to get rid of the entire debt- But there\ 
has Taeen no effort made in the last twelve years by any 'Apolitical brganiza^- 
tibn to discharge the public debt. Thfirfe will be no more- sucii' effort," In mj 
ppinion, under a Republican administration. If the Republicaii party is agai'h 
successful iii 1900, you will see the public det>t increased and not decreased, 
arid this bill Is e^'ihdustria for that particular purpose. There is no limit to 
the possible extension of the debt, and it is intended there shall be n& 

limit to it. '■ 

■'*■ -« m « •' '# *-''■« * * 

It Makes a Free Gift of Six Per Cent, to Every Bondholder 
Who Exchanges Bonds Under its Provisions. 

"The bonds that are provided for in this biU are being sold now at -6 per 
cent, premium before, they, are issued. We are, to issue them at par, and they 
ar;e being sold ou the markets of New York and the 'world to-day for 6 per cent. 
^^orethan the Goyernraent is g.oing to' exchange them for. I meant to speak 
about th^s.fact' later, but I will speak of it right now." 

Mr. ALLISON. "Of course that is speculative entirely. 



Mr. TELLER. "Speculative! Then it shows i;Jh^t we ought to have made 
some other arrangement about the exchange. "We can sell these bonds for 6 
per cent, premium.. Why, should we exchaugfi) tttemi? That is what I want 
to know. I am a Uttlerout of order in comingito sp^ak of the Iwnds, but as we 
have struck that point we might just as well consider it now." 

iHr. ALLISON. "I do not know whether these bonds are being sold at 6 
per cent, premium. I cannot conceive of any great reason why a 2 per cent, 
bond would sell at a 6 per cent, premium unless in small parcels for some 
special purpose. They have not yet been issued, and they must be exchanged 
on a less basis than that.'' .. .tuo 

Mr. TELLER. "The public press tells us that men sold them in New Xovk 
for 6 per cent. Some of them ;Said they would not sell any under' 7. Night 
before last a distinguished business m'an of New York, with large enterprises . 
and. a great deal of wealth and a great deal of energy atid industry, with 
whom I have been acquainted for many years, called at my rooms and told 
me that the bonds were selling freely in New York at 6 per cegt. now, the 
men who will get the bonds and are going to exchange them making con- 
tracts to deliver them. It is only the man who owns the bonds and is going 
to exchange them for new bonds who can seU them for future delivery." 

"There was no propriety and no reason in the world why this re-exchange 
of boDds should Ibe provided for at this time and»in this biU. These bonds will 
not be due for some seven or eight years. Nobody has wanted his money 
for them. There is not a man living who does not know that when the 
bonds are due it will be the greatest affliction that could possibly happen to 
their holders to have them paid in cash. So if it should occur that the bonds 
become due at a time when we are not prepared to pay them, there would be 
I no trouble in exchanging them for other bonds. If we want to do so, we can 
pay existing bonds off with new bonds when they are due or sell new bonds 
and~ pay the old ones. 

"I repeat what I said before, that the holders of these bonds are already ex- 
pecting to get new bonds for the old ones and their cash premium of $88,000,- 
000, and then sell tlie new bonds, If they want to get ea^h for them, at a 
premium of 6 per cent. Trophecies go for almost nothing in these days^ but 
I venture to say the bonds will be at a higher premium than 6 per cent, all the 
time. Why should the bcwids bring a premium of 6 per cent.? 

It Allows the Banks to Alternately Contract and Expand 

their Currency. 

"Mr. President, there Is, another provision In the bill to which I desire 
to call attention. As the present statute is and has been for many years, 
it was fouud necessary in dealing with the banks that When a bank decreased 
its circulation and brought its notes to the Treasury and task out bonds or 


left them; as it rtiigttgsm ejgildrl not iacrease Jt§ difculatian; again for six 
: monttis. That was tmims pliQiose Of -pceventingithe banks of this country 
from putting their notes latattrf'Treasury, ooUttacUng the currency, and then, 
, perhap's In a month from that time, reissuing an equal amount, and thus 
keeping the fluctuation. That law is repealed, and the banlis here- 
■ rafter- wiU be. allowed to simply ,tura in .just: so much money as they choose 
.tp,do;. and when they wish to creatfeia fallin/prices- or when they wish to co- 
erce the Senate and the House oif Representatives, as they have done— I have 
a'vesry dlgtinct recollection of their coercing this ibody or trying to do so— 
when they want to do that, they will simply go to the Treasury with, their 
notes, leave them there, and when the condition which they want to create 
has been created, they (will withdraw their .no>tes again, and thus we shall 
have contraction and expansion, and tHat; I suppose, is apon the theory that 
we are to have an elastic currency,!' /'S :, • !,.,, 

• * * » » • »■ . «, « « * 

National Banks Given Absolute Control of- Every Kind of 


"If the 'banks do what the Senators! here who, are advocating this bill say 
they will do, if they accept eight hundred^ or' nipe hundred millions of bonds 
and issue eight hundred or nine hundred millions of currency on them, one 
of two things will happen; You must re'tire.yqur. silver certificates, your silver 
dollars, and your greenbacks, or j'our superabundance . of paper money will 
drive your gold out of the country, for you will have an excess of paper 
. circulation. , , 

. "Senators talk about being for sound money. There is nothing sound in this 
project of favoring the banks. There. is Jiot an idea in it that is founded upon 
a sound financial proposition. Under this bill they can, with their Issue of 
.bank notes, control the financial condition of the country. When they want 
low prices,, they can, as they, recently did, make their loans to secure low 
prices.; and when their interests demand rising, prices, their loans will be 
made to that end. 

■'So, Mr. President, we not only turn over to these banks the circulation 
of money, but we turn over to them practically the control of the busihess of 
this great country of ours by this bill. The banks, who can make money 
dear— and they can make it cheap without returning it to the Treasury- 
can make it dear when they say they will not make loans. In New York, 
not recently, the banks said, 'No loans will be made,' and before the day 
closed they announced that they had $10,000,000 in a single bank which they •, 
■\<rere willing to put out, but which they had declined to put out in the morn- 
ing. In the first hours of banking they said to the men who went to them 
for accommodations, 'We can make you none.' When the condition which 
they wanted to create had been created,' then they said, 'Now we will stop it,' 
and they began to loan." 

• * M n » •* m m' 0', 


Milk for Babes— A Silly and 'Weak Declaration— An Inten- 
tional Piece of Nonsense— An Unnecessary Slap in 
the Face of Bimetallism. 

"Mr. President, party lines have been strong enough to hold together bi- 
metaUists and gold-standard pien and to carry them along in the silly, weak 
declaration here that this bill is not intended— let me ^ead the exact lan- 
guage of the bill: 

See. 14. That the prOTisibns'of this act are not intended' to preclude the accotnplish- 
ment of international biraetallism. 

"This was the declaration of the bill as it passed the Senate: 

That the provisions of this act are not intended to place any obstacles in the way of 
the accomplishment of international t)imei:allism. 

"The representatives of the House said, if the public prints can be re- 
lied upon, that the whole thing was a piece of nonsense. I agree with them 
for once. They said it did not mean anything; and, if it did mean anything, it 
was inconsistent- with the gold standard. I agree with them there. They 
said it was too strong anyhow, but they would agree to make the declara- 
tion; if the Senate conferees would consent, that these words should be put in: 

That the provisions of this act are not intended to preclude the accomplishment of 
international bimetallism. 

"If it v?as SO intended, they could not preclude it. 

"Mr. President, I had the opportunity to offer this amendment in the place 
of the provision- in the Senate bill: 

The people of the United States are in favor of bimetallism and desirous of an inter- 
national agreement with the great commercial nations of the world that will admit of 
the use of both gold and silver at such an established ratio as will maintain the parity 
between gold and silver coin, and the efforts of the Government are hereby pledged to 
endeavor to secure such international agreement as speedily as possible. 

"That is a live proposition; that is an affirmative proposition; that means 
something, while the other means nothing; and yet every Republican in this 
Chamber except one voted against it. Then Senators stand up and say they 
are bimetallists. There is not a man who voted for that bill as it passed the 
Senate or who will vote, for the report who has the right to call himself a 
birnetallist. No man who understood the theory of bimetallism and believed 
in it would have voted for that bill, unless, believing in it as he did, he aban- 
doned his ijrinciples because the caucus demanded that he should do so. No 
man can be a gold-standard advocate and supporter and be a bimetallist. 

"Mr. president, the worst feature of the bill is the establishment of the 
=gold standard. But we expected tliat. I believed just as much when I walked 
out of the St. Louis convention" that legislation of this kind would be adopt- 
ed if McKinlej' Was elected as I do now, but we had no reason to expect this 
new scheme of banking, not now fully carried out, V^ut foreshadowed." 


The Lesser Boss Hanna— The Factotum of the Banks— His 
Order Issued to Congress— The Music to Which Con- 
gress Stepped so Briskly. 

"ill-. President, the Senator from Nebraska (Mr. Allen) bands me a letter 
whieli has escaped my observation. It seems to be a circular letter of Mr. 
Hanna, tlie man who practically dictated this bill. He ought to be an author- 
ity here; 

Executive CJommittee of the Inflianapolls Monetary Convention, 

Indianapolis, November 22, 1899. 
' , Lincoln, Nebr. 

Dear Sir: The present session ot Congress is a critical point with our movement. 
The House will deal with the gold-sliindard bill Immediately. The tremendous import- 
ance oJ the successful outcome of this eli'ort on the part of the caucus committee ot the 
Republicans of the House can hardly be told. The great opportunity will be offered. 

The Republican party Is pledged to legislate for the gold standard and the parity of 
all our moneys. Tlie caucus bill covers it well. 

If the business men now take up tbe subject with their Representatives in Congress 
and unceasingly demand the fulfillment of their party's pledge, the bill will pass the 

"He is a prophet 

If the House acts courageously, the Senate will be greatly innnenced thereby. The 
BOund-money members of the Senate Finance Committee will present a plan to the 
Kepublioan Senators and it will be as comprehensive as the House bill. 

It you press the subject unrelentingly from now on, the first great step In the right 
direction in sound-money legislation will be taken early in the session. Please give 
us your vigorous support. ' 

Faithfully, yours, 

H. H. HANNA, Chairman. 

"The Senator from Nebraska tells me the letter had a general circulation 
through the- counti-y. Mr. Hanna did not honor me with one of those.'" 

Evil Consequences of the Law Predicted, 

"Mr. President, in the culmftiatlon of this long contest there are some recol- 
lections that come to us with force. In that part of the country that I 
have had the honor for so mauy years in part to represent we were disas- 
trously affected by the action of 1S93 in the repeal of the Sherman Act. I 
stated on this floor then, knowing well what its effect would be upon us and 
upon the. people I represent, that we would recover from its evil influences 
quicker than would afly other portion of the United States. Mr. President, 
that prophecy, if prophecy it may be called, has come true." 

"Mr. President, it is not because the people of Colorado are to suffer evils 
that the reft of the country will not suffer that I protest against this legis- 
lation. It is because I believe, and I think time will so demonstrate, that this 
Is the greatest calamity that has been inflicted upon' the American people, 
greater by far than the great war that took so much of our wealth and so 
mucli of our precious blood. If tbe great output of gold continues for few yeaw 


the evil day will be deferred, but when that shall cease, as it will cease— be- 
i ause in the histoid of the world it always has ceafeed— after a time, and when 
the people shall have arranged their business upon the basis of gold alone and 
gold shall cease to be produced in the quantities that It has been produced 
heretofoTe, there will be discovered in the business of the world a sliding 
scale toward lower prices; aji4 then. .the. height of this disaster will be upon 
the people. -....-. v..- 

" Mr. President, I leave this question. I leave it, believing that ultimately 
tUe good seose and the patriotism of the American people will reverse a 
system that on its face has been adopted to the end that the* few majr have the 
great advantage and that the many shall be at a disadvantage." ., 





Mr. CHANDLfER, "Mr. President, I ask. the Secretary to read tlie'flrst ten 
lines of the Senate comtnittee's substitute." 

The Secretary read the first section of the substitute reported by the Com- 
mittee on Finance, as follows: 

That the dollar consisting of. 25.8 grains of gold nine-tenths fine shall, as established 
by section 3511 of the Kevlsed Statutes of the United States, continue to be the stand- 
ard of value, and all forms of money Issued or coined by the United States shall, be 
maintained at a parity of value with this standard; and United States notes, and Treas- 
ury notes Issued under the act of July 14, 1S90, when presented to the Treasury for 
redemption, shall be redeemed In gold coin of such standard. 

Mr. CHANDLER. "Mr. President in his -work on the Law of Civiliza- 
tion and Decay, Mr. Brooks Adams makes the foUoTving impressive state- 
ment: . 

II appears to be a natural law that when social devWopment has reached a certain 
stage, and capital has accumulated sufficiently, the class which has had the capacity 
to absorb It shall try to enhance the value of their property by legislation. This is done 
most easily by reducing the quantity of the currency which is a legal tender for the 
payment of deTits. 

"■V^hether or not Mr. Adams's assertion is true historically, it correctly de- 
scribes the present situation. Those who have absorbed the gold of the world 
are trying to make it more valuable by legislation. That is the natural 
meaning of the first ten lines of the Senate bill. There is no need of the 
laiw for any other object. Absolutely no other purpose is to be subserved by 
those lines. The passage of this bill without adequate recognition of the de- 
sire and the determination of the American people that silver shall Ije remone- 
tized is a defiance of the Republican platform of 1896, and without such rec- 
ognition in the bill I cannot give to it my vote. It would be unqualified gold 
monometallism, and to advocate or submit to this is an abandonment of Re- 
publican pi'inciples. 

* *.* • « • • * * * 

"Why undertake by the first ten lines of this bill to strike one more blow 
at remonetization and falsify all the pledges which the Republican party and 


its leaders have been making in all these past years? None' of the promises 
_^ do I intend to recite during these remarlss. They are w611 known to every 
person in this chamber. The Senattor from Iowa, the'Senator from RhodelB- 
lancT, and all the Republican Senators remember them too well. If those jj^rj 
lines, without adequate qualifleation, becojne the la'\y. of . the. land, Sei^gtoys 
will be sufficiently reminded of their pledges before the nisxt Residential can: 
vass ^closes. Is it possible that, we were all mista^n when these pledges,, 
were m'ade? Were we blunderers, so ignorant of, the. principles of finap.diai 
s;cience that we loudly shouted over and over again for the remonetlzatioh ' 
of silver when gold monometallism was the true financial system? Is It not 
Quite possible that we were right then and that we are wrong now If it is 
proposed to forever discard any idea of the remonetization of silver and to 
complete, the work of establishing gold monometallism as the final money 
system for the United States and the world? 

"The Senator from Rhode Island says that it is not intended by this biU 
to reject the idea of international bimetallism if It ever becomes attainable. 
Then why not say so in this bill in unequivocal language? There exists the' 
declaration oif 1893, placed upon the statute book when the silver-purchasing 
clause of the Sherman Act of 1890 was repealed. Why not Insert it in this 
bOl if the Senator from Rhode Island means what he says? Are all the 
pledges' of the Republican party, piled mountain high during the last twenty- 
five years, to be now reduced by Congress to a grudging minimum at a time' 
when the President of the United States does not even mention the subject 
of the remonetization of silver in his annual message to Congress? 

"It seems plain to me that the declaration for gold in this bill is unwise, 
both in a business and political sense. There Is no need of its enactment, no 
pifblic demand for it, no business or financial condition which ^is to be helped 
by it. In 1873 the mints of the United States were closed to the coinage of 
silver dollars, and no power on earth can open them to further coinage ex-" 
cept the President and the two Houses of Congress, or the two Houses of 
Congress by a two-thirds majority without the President The first ten lines 
of the bill are a work at supererogation, gratifying only to the gold class, 
who are bent upon increasing the value of their gol^ by legislation. Senators" 
contend that the bill does not change existing law, but only reiterates m:-'' 
.istlng law. If that be so I say there is no necessity for the reiteraiion. Aha' 
if I am VKrong and there Is such a neces'sity and the Senator from Rhode 
Island is sincere in saying that he does not intend to pronounce against bi- 
metallism by international agreement, why not Insert in this bill the declara- 
tion of the act of 1893. Here it is: 

Act of Congress of November 1, 1893 (28 Stats., 4)— the repeal of the section Of th^ 
act of July 14, 1890, providing for the purchase erf silver bullion,- -nrlth this adcHtloij!.- 

And It Is hereby declared to be the policy of' the 'Dnlted States to continue the use 
Of both gold and sliver as standard money, and to coin both gold- and silver into money- 
of equal intrinsic and exchangeable value, such, equality to b? secure.d through inter-c 
nat^nal agreement, or by such safeguards of legislation as will insure the maintenance 


of the parity la value of the coins of the two metals, and the equal power of every 
dollar at all times In the markets ana In the payment of debts; and it is hereby further 
! declared that the efforts ot the Government should be steadfastly directed to the estab- 
lishment of such a safe system of bimetallism as will maintain at all times the equal 
power of every dollar coined or Issued by the United States in the markets and in the 
payment of debts. 

For the passage of this act of 18JB3 through the Senate on October 30, 1893, 
the following Senators voted: Messrs. Aldrieh, Cullom, Davis, Frye, GaJlinger, 
Hale, Hawley, Hoar, Lodge, McMillan, Piatt, and Proctor; and there were 
paired in its favor Senators Allison, Chandler, and Hansborough. 

That is as much existing law as what the Senator proposes to re-enact. The 
one thing is to be reiterated. Let the other also be reiterated. Can any fair 
reifusal be glvei? to this request? Does any Republican venture to say that the 
remonetization of silver is not desirable, even If it is- attainable, which is 
the sum and substance of the program of the Indianapolis convention? 

"As a party movement the enactment of gold monometallism would surely 
be, a blunder. To what extent Injury might result to the Republican party 
no one can now safely predict. That party is overwhelmingly strong, saved 
and strengthened by the war against Spain and the accelerated movement of 
•the nation caused by that war and its incidents, with which^the nineteenth 
century is to close. Buti no one ha:s any right after the declaration pledging 
the Republican party to the promotion of the remonetization of silver, made 
in the national convention of 1896, to now change that position of the party. 
Only the national convention to be held in June next has the right to commit 
the party to gold monometallism. Theije being no need of a gold declaration 
in this bill, Its adoption ought certainly to be deferred until that convention 
has declared the attiftide of the party toward this question, in which it is 
willing to enter the canvass to end in November next. If that convention 
chooses to repudiate the whole past record of the party and declare for gold 
monomtallism, discarding the possibility and desirability of the remonetization 
of silver, let it do so, but let the Republicans of Congress refrain from fore- 
stalling its action. 

"Gold monometallism is not our existing platform. It is contrary- to every 
platform. The Senator from Rhode Island has just as much right to in- 
troduce a constitutional amendment striliing the word silver out of the Con- 
stitution of the United States and further providing that the Government 
shall never issue legal-'ten'der notes either in war or peace, and claim that 
the Republican party is committed to its adoption, as to introduce this biU, re- 
fuse to allow a declaration for bimetallism, and press it to its passage, asliing 
in its favor, on party grounds, the votes of Republican Senators 

Make a Stronger Declaration for International Bimetallism. 

"Mr. President, since the remariss, I am now malsing were written the 

Senate Committee on Finance has somewhat changed its apparent position of 

bostillty to bimetallism in any form or under any circumstances. This bill 


passed the House at Bepresentatives on December 8, 1899, and on the next 
day was referred to the Senate committee, which immediately, on the same 
day, rejmrted it to the Senate with the House provisions stricken out and a 
new Senate bill substituted. After forty-six days "the committee, on Febfukry; 
6, reported the following as a new section: " ' - ■ ■■- / 

That tBe provisions of tbis, act are. not inteiaed to place any obstaelefe in the way of 
the accomplishment of international himetaliisiQ, provided the same be secared by- coii-i 
current action of the leading cordmercial nations of the world and at a ratio; which' 
shall insure permanence of relative value between gold and silver, 

"This concession of the Senate committee is gratifying, so far as it goes, ta 
International bimetaUists, but a more adequate recognition ought to be given 
by C<»ngress of the national intention to remonetize silver. This does not 
even contain the six saving words of the platform of 1896 as to blmetallisim: 
"Which we pledge ourselves to promote.' Negatively only It states that the bill 
is not intended to place obstacles in the way .of international bimetallism. 
What it should affirmatively state in conformity to previous declarations, 
pledges, and laws is this: That the United States, from tradition, and in- 
teresti desire the remonetization of silver, the free coinage of both metals for, 
use as standard money of the nations of the world, and demand continued 
efforts for the accomplishment of bimetallism until the double standard is 
once more the rule of all the commercial nations. Such a strong declara- 
tion might be satisfactory even to ardent bimetallists ; but it would be much 
better to strike out the first ten lineS of the bill, and then there will be 
nohing to explain to the American people.'' 

* « * * * * «"• ** 

"Mr. President, it is with sincere regret that I differ so radically from so 
many of my political associates in this body. But my oonvictlons of duty 
will not allow me to do otherwise. I have not abandoned the faith of the 
fathers. I stand upon the ancient ways. 'I want the double standard.' So do 
thirteen hundred millions of the people of this world of ours, while only 200,- 
000,000 want the Single gold standard. We want the real money of the world 
to be $8,000,000,000 in coin. They want it to be only $4,000,000,000. Tho 
difference means Injustice, injury, suffering, and distress to millions of God's 
poor people the world over, while the gold class is to wax fat at the cost of 
their helpless victims. 

"The Republican party ought not to do any such grievous wrong. I en- 
treat its leaders not to burden us with gold monometallism, but to renew in 
unmistakable language our oft-repeated pledges to remonetize silver. Let us 
not jjistify the aspersion lately cast upon us by Mr. Bryan when he said 
he did not believe that the Republicans would hold out international bi- 
metallism in their platform of 1900, and that he expected to see their plat- 
form declare unequivocally for the gold standard. 

"He further said: 



Thousands of votes went to the Republican candidates In 1896 on their promise to do 
everything possible to bring about bimetallism by International agreement. The falsity 
of that pretense was demonstrated early in the present Administration. I do not think 
they .will try the same tricls again, but If they do they will not succeed in fooling very 
many people by it. 

"Let us repel this charge as unjust and untrue by reaffirming the oft- 
proclaimed principles of our party and the erer-present desire of our peo- 
ple, that both gold and silver shall be the standard money of tke nation. If 
■we axe thus true to our traditions and to tie wishes of our constituents, we 
shall re-elect our gracious and patriotic President by popular and electoral ma- 
jorities greater than any President has ever received. Can we afford, by the 
passage of the needless first ten lines of this bill, without sufficint qualifica- 
tion, to add to the chances of his defeat? 

Gold and Glory. 

"The gifted Senator from New York (Mr. Depew) Is said to have designed 
for the Riepubllean party a new campaign motto for 1900: 'Gold and Glory.' 
The alliteration is pleasing. It will look fine on gilded banners, and will 
doubtless lead to victory. But if the word 'gold' means gold monometallis<m, it 
will be necessary for the golden-tongued orators of the party to expatiate 
with marvelous eloquence over the glory to thai flag coming from the war 
with Spain, in order to overcome th6 many evil effects at the polls in Novem- 
ber of the deep damnation of the destruction by legislation of half the me- 
tallic money of the nations of the earth. 

"Mr. President, thou canst not say I did it!" 

Mr. Chandler voted against the bill he so eloquently denounced. 




Senator Jones Reads Senator Frye's Complaint that 
Secretary Gage Showed His Hand Too Plainly, 

, 1 have a newspaper clipping whicli I took out of a Boeton newspaper, an 
(literview attributed to the present presiding officer of this body (Mr. FryS 
in the chair). It was directly after the* Senator from Colorado had brenj§M 
up the Stanley Matthews resolution and reofCered it in the Seaate iwhep we 
had a Tote. I will read the interview: 

"If the amendment of Senator Nelson to the Teller resolution had not been 
voted down, the effect of the adoption of the resolution would have bera 
nothing. The effect of the resolution wiU be to square the silver men for 
their flght in 1900. That is what It is fpr. They were spurred on to their 
present activity by the attitude of Gage in urging the acceptance of the single 
gold standard. 

"If Gage had been a politician as well as a banker, he probably would not 
have insisted on a declaration In favor of a single g'old standard. It was all 
right for him to submit his scheme of finance, but hardly politic to be so spe- 
cific about the single gold standard." 

(Speech of Hon. James K. Jones of Arkansas, delivered in the United 
States Senate February 14th, 1900.) 

Senator Cocltrell Quotes Senator Allison as Authority for 

the Proposition that Gold and 'Silver Derive their 

Value from Coinage Legislation. 

T^ow, then, It is law that gives to gold and silver their commercial value. I 
read from the speech of the Senator from Iowa, delivered on the 15th day 
of February, 1878, in which he says: 

What !s it tlia^t fixes or establishes the commeTcial value of money? Gold and silver 
are commodities, and, like other commodities, their value is regulated by supply and 

The annual supply of the precious metals exerts very little influence over their value 
because the annual supply is very small compared with the total quantity actually in 
use. It cannot be truthfully said that the insignificant Increase in the production of the 
mines of the Comstock lode exerts any material efCect upon the value of silver. The 
annual production of sliver or gold, or both, amounts to little or nothing compared witi 
the great Sum of gold and silver alreadj^ in existence, ' - 



Therefore the annual supply ol the precious metals has little or nothing to do with 
their value. What Is it, then, that affects their value chiefly? It is the demand. The 
commercial value is controlled by the demand. What constitutes the demand? 

"What constitutes the demand?" I see the Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. 
Spooner) is about to be led into a blunder, but the Senator from Iowa shalies 
his finger and leads him away from it. (Laughter.) 

What constitutes the demand? Why Is it that we have silver quoted every day In 
the London market? Is it sold to be worked up into plate by the silversmith? Not 
at all. Its present demand in the Eflndon market is for shipment to India or China. 

What is it ihat constitutes the demand for gold? Is it for use In the arts? Very 
little of It can be so used. Therefore it is its use as money by so many civilized states 
that creates a demand for it and gives it its value. If all the European states and 
our country were today simultaneously to demonetize gold and remonetize silver, would 
not these two metals immediately change places, and would not gold depreciate vastly— 


below the fall of silver In ,J875? Silver is used by six or seven hundred millions of 
people living in Oriental countries, while gold is not used by them at all, or scarcely at 
all. Therefore, if gold were demonetized, if the laws of legal tender— 

"If the laws of legal tender!"— 
were taken away from it, it would be the metal to depreciate instead of silver. Now, 
if that be true, what Is it that creates— 


the commercial value of the precious mclals? It is legislation. Legislation gives value 
to the precious, metals, and the commercial value s.mply records the condition of legis- 
lation with reference to the precious metals. 

(Speech of Senator Francis M. Cockrell, delivered in the Senate of the 
United States February 14th, 1900.) 

Sen^itor Cockrell Calls Down Senator Aldridge— Tells Him 

that Nearly Seven-eighths of the World's Silver Money 

Is Now a Legal Tender at Par With Gold. 

' The silver of the world is in money to-day, nearly all of It In full legal- 
tender money, and yet the Senator from Rhode Island asked me if the four 
and one-half billions of dollars of silver money in the v^orld, worth only 50 
cents on the dollar, would not all come here to our mints. He knows that 
all of that except six hundred millions is full legal tender and equal to gold in 
the countries where it is -to-day. You,know that. The records show it; your 
gold-standard records show it. I have it here directly from the mints, and 
you cannot dispute it. 

It is so in Germany, with a ratio of ISVo to 1, with 3 cents less silver in !t 
than we have in our coin, and It is equal to gold and full legal-tender money. 
The silver in London, in England, Is a limited legal tender for $10-^0 shillings. 
It is the equal of gold there. So It is the world ov^r. It is so in Frante, 
with a ratio of ISi/s to 1. And yet the Senator talks as if we were idiots, and 
says the silver of Germany and of France, full legal-tender money equal to 
gold would be sold at 50 cents on, the dollar in order to be brought to our 
mint's and coined here if we had free coinage-iix other words, those people 


would sell it for 50 cents on the dollar when it is tlie equal of gold and is 
full legal tender with golds 

' Ovrght not the Senator from Rhode Island .to feel a Mtio ashamed ot him- 
self for, putting such a, .proposition as that in this, intelligent. Senate ? - 1 sub- 
mit that is not tbfe'Way to meet.greait questions. .. Let ;us meet . them. Epon 
.facts, upon prinelples,;and upen the-ti-Bth as it is -recorded in the.armals of 
all the nations. i .... 

(Speech ot Senator Praucis M. Coctrell, delivered in the United States 
Senate February, 14th, 1900.) 

National Banks and Bankers. 

Mr. Chairman:— I desirfe at the outset of my remarks to read the caption of 
this bill introduced by Mr. Overstreet. The language is as follows: 

A bill to aeflne and fix the standard of value, to maintain the parity of all forms of 
money issued or coined by the United States, and for other purposes. 

And now, my colleagues, let me put special emphasis on these last four 
words, for they contain the real purpose for which this bill was introduced. 
I refer to the words "and for other purposes." Here again we see the wis- 
dom of an old saying of a French diplomat, who declared that "language 
was invented to conceal thought." Much of the time has been consumed 
throughout the past weeli In talltlng about the gold standard, bimetallism, and 
about prosperity, and still more time has been consumed by tedious and poor 
excuses for changes of faith and mind on the money question by those who 
three years ago promised the people to secure for them international bimtal- 
listn. Of dourse we have seen enough since the inauguration of this admin- 
istration to know that pledges and promises hy the Republican party were 
made jfbf earapalgn purposes only, as, for instance, their pledges to assist 
Cuba in securing indepehdence and their pledges "in behalf cif ciVil sertice. 

This bill before the House to-day is for the benefit of the 3,600' na-tional 
"banks, Who constitute a secret society tha:t has mare power than the million 
Masons, the million Odd Fellows, and the half million Knights of Pythias Com- 
bined. No secret society on the face of the earth ever wielded such influence 
and such power. The National Bankers' Association undoubtedly prepared 
this bill, and that is why the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Hill) said in 
his remarks that the President recommended this bill and that it is the same 
bill recommended by the National Bankers' Association last summer. Of 
course it is the same bill. Their attorneys and agents prepared it, and you 
would scarcely expect a father to repudiate his own child. i 

We of the one espouse the cause of the farmer, the merchant, the small 
manufacturer, the miner, the wage-earner, and all other producers and crea- 
tors of wealth. Yon champion the cause of the speculators, whose greed for 
dollars has made them .is blind as misers to the just rights of man, the rea- 
sonable comforts of the homes, and the education of the children of the 
plain people, the honest and industrious millions. The aims and schemes ot 
your party as now constituted all tend to intrench m castles and palaces the 
lords and barons of trusts, whose power is already so gigantic that whai com- 


pared with the power of tne feudal lords of the dark ages the latter sin^ to 
the stature of pigmies. 

The aim oif the reform forces is to destroy not only the money trust, but 
all the trusts that fatten In this land of liberty, and your united vote as you 
walk up and register the same on Monday next, like dumb driven cattle 
under the lash of the National Bankers' Association, will in Itself be such an 
object lesson that It will be easy for the people to understand and Interpret 
your complete subserviency to the money power and' your complete idolatry 
and worship of the golden calf. 

I take the liberty, unauthorized • though I be, to challenge you now to 
release your imperial President from his vine-clad porch in Canton, Ohio, in 
the next campaign, arid let him meet if he dare in 'debate on any rostrum 
our standard-bearer, William Jennings Bryan. I challenge you now to pre- 
pare your Chief Executive, if you dare, to come before the people and defend 
his policy in placing the entire money volume of the land within 'the control 
of the National Bankers' Association. And I challenge you now to prepare 
him to explain this repudiation and destruction of the greenback, which was 
good . enough and honest enough to pay Abraham Lincoln's hundreds of 
thous^ds who saci-ificed their lives and their health that the Union might 

You have talked about prosperity. If war and foreign complications cause 
. prosperity, then let us, like the Romans, carry our spears and battle-axes in- 
to every, clime and every nation. If commercial greed and trade justify our 
course in the Orient, why not look after additional trade in. Europe also? Why 
not offer England $20,000,000 . for Ireland, telling her we need the island as a 
coaling station in order to extend our commerce, and to carry our flag across 
Great Britain and the Continent? If England refuses to accept the $20,000,- 
000, let us shoot benevolent assimilation into her and all the while increase 
our prosperity. What ias your party done for prosperity? What legislation 
has made prosperity? 

(Speech of J. J. Lentz of Ohio in House of Representatives, December 16, 



The administration newspaper organs are constantly buzzing about the 
prosperity which has been generously provided for the people by the McKinley 
administration. This prosperity is scattered about in spots and those mainly 
affected by it are in the counting houses of the great trusts. The larger- 
number oi the ijeople who meet with adversity are not mentioned in the 
organs. And yet this adversity is just as clearly to be 'charged to the ad- 
ministration as prosperity is to" be credited to it If the administration 
causes prosperity it must also, cause advei-sity where It withholds prosperity. 
If it Is the author of all th« weather, it is answerable for the bad weather 
as well as for the good. If the factories and mills "hum" whenever Mc- 
Kinley bids them do so, then the silent ones do not hum because he bids 
them not to do so. The clurpy writers up of prosperity for campaign pur- 
poses are invited to comment on the following I'ecord of adversity which they 
will find in R. G. Dun & Company's weekly review of. trade for July".. .,'.. 

*'New York, July 13.— R. G. Dun & Company's .weekly review of trade tg-. 
morrow will say: . _. ■. -. .. .:=, 

"If the great increase in failures to $100,570^134 in tlie-first half of'l^- 
against $49,664,(361 last year, and especially to $43,893,079 in the seCend qnar- ' 
ter, against ^21,695,635 last year, gave no occasion for diligent search, failure'" 
returns would be worth nothing. But- to-day itis shown that thirty banking- 
failures for $25,822,682, against thirty-one lastyear for $7,601,728, accDuiiteci- 
for much of the difference; that 265 brokerage a;nd real estate failures for $22,'^" 
122,346, against 145 last year for only $2,328,215, accounted for anxitlier parf,-' 
and that in building and lumber working and ti'ade, other large failures, dis-'' 
tinctly connected with those in real estate, explain much more of the differ-' 
ence between manufacturing and trading failures last year and this. In these 
and much less important changes in a few other lines are seen substantially " 
all the commercial^disasters as yet resulting from an amazing' rise in prices 
last year, followed by weary but largely successful efforts during the past 
few months to get back to a normal state of business. When this is seen 
and the remarkable steadiness in number and size of the great majority of 
failures, not for exceptional amounts, there appears ground for especial sat- 

Mckinley adversity. 


Isfaction that business has been, .on the whole, so soundly conducted under 
conditions of unusual danger." 

If they can do no better in an attempt to explain away this remarkable 
record of failures than R. G. Dun & Company have done, then they will 
not go far towards explaining. All we are told is that more of the disasters 
recorded have occui'red to bankers, brokers, real estate dealers and building 
and lumber interests than have overtaken manufacturers and trade inter- 
ests. Dun & Company derive "great satisfaction" from the "remarkable stead- 
iness in number and size of the great majority of the failures," and regard 
this as evidence that business" has been on the whole soundly conducted un- 
der conditions of unusual danger." 

. Will the campaign -proisperity howlers kindly infom us what these "con- 
ditions of unusual danger" are? This Is the first we have heard of them from 
so authoritative a source as R. G. Dun & Company's weekly review. The 
credulous Republicans have been rushing along on Hanna's political express 
train believing the track to be clear and all the bridges strong and sound; 
and now comes the appalling announcement that the failures during the past 
six months have been more than double of the same period last year, 
and that the only wonder is that there have not been more on account of the 
"unusual danger" by which business has been surrounded. R. G. Dun & 
Company could of course explain exactly what they meaji when they tell us 
of the unusual danger by which the country has been and is still menaced. 

Sow can we afford to invite a continuation of the McKlnley brand of 
prosperity, which, after all, keeps us in constant danger, and overwhelms 
business with adversity and failures "of remarkable steadiness in number 
and size?" No one doubts the prosperity of the trusts. If that is the prc^- 
perity desired, it must be continued by the draining of the people's pockets. 
The people paid a dollar a ton more for their coal last winter than they have 
paid for many years, not because the coal trust or the traiisportation com- 
panies combined with them were getting poor, but because they wanted to add 
to their prosperity to the extent of a dollar a ton on every man's coal sup- 
ply. The Sugar Trust compelled Congress to declare that the territories re- 
cently acquired from Spain were no part of the United States. This saved 
them from competition with sugar from Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands, 
and they forthwith added to their prosperity by an increase in the price of 
sugar. The sto«k of this trust went up twelve dollars a share, and the peo- 
ple are now paying a proportionately increased price for their daily supply" of 
that article. The consumers do not share in this prosperity. 

And so the trusts prosper while others fail. The bankers, brokers, real 
estate dealers, lumber dealers, contractors and builders and others who fall do 
not enjoy such prosperity as President McKinley has brought to the trusts. 






Tffe Sub-Treasury Act of 1846 was the successful culmination of a long' 
struggle inaugurated by President •JacksoQ, and continued by President Van 
Buren, against the re-charterlng of the United States Banls:, and against any 
bank control of the public money of the United States. It provided for the 
appointment by the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, 
of Assistant Treasurers of the United States at Boston and New York, to re- 
ceive, safely keep, transfer and disburse the public moneys. The number of 
these officers was increased from time to time until there were ten located 
in the leading cities of the country. (See Section 3593 of the U. S. Revised Stat- 
utes.) The National Bank of the United States had struggled in vain for thir- 
teen years for.a new charter, aijd Jackson lived to see the accomplishment of 
his great desjre— a complete divorce between the Government and the banks. 
The excellence of the sub-ti-easury system was vindicated l^ its successful 
operation and its continuance to the present day. 

In 1864 the Republican party, made up of various elements, enacted a na- 
tional banking act, in section 45 of which it fastened upon our financial sys- 
tem, not a single national bank, but a swarm of banks, and authorized the 
Secretary of the Treasury to select such of them as he pleased as depositaries, ^ 
of pu'blic moneys and financial agents of the Government. By this excresence , 
the system of favoritism was restored through which private institutions were 
enabled to derive large pecuniary beiiefits by being allowed the custody of the 
public moneys. Each bank designated as a depositary of public moneys was 
required to give security by the deposit of United States bonds for the safe- 
keeping of the money deposited with It. The national depositaries were 
not required to pay any interest on the funds deposited with them, but the 
Government continued to pay interest to them on the bonds deposited by them , 
as security. The section thus described is now section 5153 of the Revised 
Statutes.of the United States, and reads as follows: , 

"All national banking associations, designated for that purpose by the Sec- 
retary of the Treasury, shall be depositaries of public mopey, except receipts 


from customs, under sucti regulations as may be prescribed by the Secretai-y; 
and they may also be employed as financial agents of the Government; and 
they shall perform all such reasonabJe duties, as depositaries of public moneys 
and financial agents of the Government, as may be reyuired of them. The 
Secretary of the Treasury shall require Ihe associaiions thus designated to 
give satisfactory security, by the deposit of United States bonds and other- 
•ffise, for the safe-keeping and prompt payment of the public money de- 
posited with them, and for the faithful performance of their duties as financial 
agents of the Government. And every association so designated as receiver 
or depositary of the public money shall take and receive at par all of the 
national currency bills, by whatever association issued, whic'h have been 
paid into the Government for internal revenue, or for loans or stoclis." 

Under this section an average of a hundred millions of dflDars has, during 
the past year, been freely used by the favored national banljs without in- 
terest, instead of being used for the payment of United States 'Iwnds on 
which the goveriiment is paying Interest. What would any of our fereat 
business corporations do if its manager, with equal authority to use money 
on hand for. the payment of an interest-bearing debt, or loaning the money 
to his friends without interest,, should decide upon the latter course. He 
would be prosecuted for a breach of trust and promptly removed from his 

President McKinley is responsible for the great breach of trust above de- 
scribed. His Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Gage, with his approval is 
giving the use now (August 7, 1900) of more than eighty-nine millions of the 
people's money to favored banks without interest, instead of paying that 
amount of the government's interest-bearing bonds. Including this eighty-nine 
millions of dollars thete was on the 7th day of August of this year, more 
than two hundred aad ninety-five millions of dollars in the Treasury. One 
hundred aud fifty millions of this is shut up in the Treasury vaults as a re- 
serve fund for the redeimption of United States notes or greenbacks. Of there is no necessity for any such amount of reserve, but under 
the new law, whenever a greenback is redeemed, it is imprisoned for life in 
another cell in the Treasury, never again to see the light. This one hundred 
and fifty millions of dollars cannot under the law be used for any other pur^ 
pose than this destruction of the greenbacks. Whenever it is reduced, gold 
coin is taken out of the general fund in the Treasury to make it good; and 
the Secretary can always sell iDouds for gold whenever he finds it necessary to 
keep up this reserve. In addition to this one hundred and fifty millions as a 
greenback reacmption fund, gold and silver coin, silver bullion and United 
States notes are icld to the amount of $735,062,179 for the redemption of 
outstanding gold and silver currency certificates and Treasury notes. Next 
comes the "geuei-al fund" of over two hundred and thirty millions of dollars 
against which there are liabilities of over eighty-five millions,— leaving "an 
available cash balance" of a little over a hundred and forty-five millions. 
4moiig tlje^e IjabiJltie,? we find flfty-one miilions charged to disbursing officers' 


balances. That is to say that disbursing olHcers throughoiut the country hold 
fifty-one millions to meet current obligations. 

From the above it will be seen that nearly three hundred millions of dol- 
lars have been talien away from the circulation and ke]>t on hand in the 
treasury. Hitherto a hund,recl millions was considered the maximum amount 
necessary to be kept on hand for redemption purposes. Now we hare on 
hand a redemption fund of one hundred and fifty millions instead of one 
hundred millions, of 'which about ninety millions, as above shown, is loaned 
without interest to the national banks which they loan to their customers 
at Whatever interest can be extorted from their necessities. 

In order to give the reader a clear and distinct idea of what aii outrage 
' it is thus td loan the government money to private banks without interest, 
we will quote v^hat William McKinley said about it On the 29th of Feb- 
ruary, 1SS8, when he was only a member of Congress from Ohio. A bill was 
pending to authorize the Secretary of the Treasury to use surplus funds for 
redemption of United States bonds, ilr. MeKinley's remarks on this occasion 
will be found in Part 2, Vol. 19, of the Congressional Record at Page 15955. 
He commenced by quoting the then existing laws which had been on the 
statute boo'ks for seven years. It is in these words: 

"That the Secretary of the Treasury may at any time apply the surplus 
moiiey in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, or so much thereof as may 
be considered proper to the purchase or redemption o[£ United States bOndS." 

Notwithstanding this complete authority, a bill was introduced in the 
following words: 

"That the Secretary of the i'reasury is hereby authorized to apply the sur- 
plus money now in the Treasury, and such surplus money as may hereafter be 
in the Treasury and not otherwise appropriated, or so much thereof as he may 
consider proper, to the purchase or redemption of United States bonds." 

Mr. McKinley compared the pending bill with the. existing law and s^id: 

"The bill under consideration neither increases nor diminishes nor qual- 
ifies the authority of the Secretaiy of the Treasnry under existing law." 

He censured the administration and its Secretary for not having redeeriaed 
bonds with a portion of the surplus in the Treasury. He declared that "when 
Congress; on the 4th day of March, 18S7— when the 49th Congress expired 
by limitation-^that Congress had done nothing by way of reducing taxation, 
or diminishing or increasing t'he revenues. Everybody knew that there would 
be a surplus of revenue in the Treasury. Everybody understood it. The 
President understood it, and he had the right to convene Congress In extra 
session and put the responsibility of dealing -with this surplus upon the 
legislative branch of the government. But he failed to do it, he declined to 
do it, and he thereby assumed the responsibility, and declared his ability to so 
manage the sm-plus in the Treasury as to do no harm to the country and 
without disturbance to business interests." He said: 

"Does any man within the sound of my voice doubt that he had a perfect 
rjghtj from the 4th day of March, 1887, ayi from ,the date of his Inauguratiofl 


down to this very hour, ^o have a{)plied every dollar of the flfiy-five or sixty 
millions in the Treasury to the purchase of outstanding bonds, He had that 
power fixed hy a laTv passed in a constitutional way, which passed by the 
unanimous vote of both Houses, which stood unassailed and unassailable, and 
declining to avail himself of It he lectures Oongrees because it did not pro- 
vide for paying out the sufplus. 

"When we adjourned we left him full power to pay it out, and I wish 
gome friend ot the administration would exi>lain why he didn't do it in that 
only stralgtit and logical businesa-liice way; that is, by paying the debts of 
the Government and saving the Interest charge, which rests so heavily on the 
people. Instead of doing that the administration prefers another way, It pre- 
fers to use the banks as the means of putting it in circulation; and so it says 
to the banlis, *If you inHU get bonds enough and bring them to the Ti-easury 
we win issue you oit the 4 per cents. 110 'cents for every dollar deposited, iind 
100 cents on every doUar of 4% per cents, you deposit, and thus put the money 
in clrculaUon.' Aiidthey did it 

' "Nearly $59,000,000, as I understand, of the surplus money that ought to 
be in the Treasury to-day; the Secretary having refused to pay it out to Gov- 
ernment creditors, Is now out among the banks, held by them, they giving to 
the Government bonds as security for the deposit;. and they are getting it 
Without interest. They have got the surplus money in the Treasury in their 
own hands, and they collect the accruing Interest on the Government bonds 
which they have deposited as security, when if the administration had used 
the $59,000,000 and bought a corresponding amount of bonds with that sum 
those bonds would have been canceled, and the interest on that sum would 
have been stopped. 

"And I charge here to-day that the President of the United States and his 
admlnlgtratSon are "solely responsible for whatever congested condition we had 
In the Treasury and whatever alarm prevails about the finances oif the country. 
(Applause.) Every dollar of it would have paid a dollar of the Governmenat 
debts If the Secretary had exercised wisely the discretion given him by law. 
His way might have been justifiable if there had been no other ctf putting the 
surplus mone.y In circulation. 

"Ho may lecture that side of tlie House as much as be will. Doubtless they 
deserve Jt. (Laughter,) But he cannot avoid or evade the responsibility that 
rests on him. What does a man do who has got a surplus balance in the, 
banks and has outstanding debts bearing interest? He calls in the evidences. 
of those debts and pays them oflC with his surijlus deposit, That is what a 
business man would have done. That is what a busineg's administration 
would have done, and we would have had fifty millions less of interest-bear- 
ing bonds in circulation to-day if the President had followed the way blazed, 
for him by. the Republican pai-ty," , ' ' 

Will the President now accept from the people at the polls the scourging, 
he then gave to an administration in whose footsteps he is successfully tak- 
ing the utmost Jjains to keep? Is he justified In lending without Interest to 



favored banks eighty-nine millions of dollars when we have his own testimony 
of '88 that STtfch Conduct is a breach of ,.|;ru||j^j^(^j^a misuse of the public 
funds? , , ' '*.,", 

The Standard Oil Bank ReceiVeH'thS 'flattest Portion. 

On the 4th of January, 1900,^ the Senate adopted a resolution calling upon 
the Secretary of the Treasury for Information concerning the relations of the 
Treasury Department with the National City Bank and the Hanover National 
Bank of New York City. In his reply the Secretary of the Treasury cited sec- 
tion 5153 of the Revised Statutes authorizing the designation of national banks 
as depositaries of public moneys, as already quoted herein. After giving the 
history of what his predecessors had done under this section, he explained 
•what he had done himself. When he took office the national bank deposi- 
taries were holding sixteen millions of public funds. During 1897 over fifty- 
eight millions of dollars came into the Treasury from the Union Pacific set- 
tlement. A large portion of this went to the banks, and at the end of 189T 
they held over forty-nine millions of the public money. Of course the Sec- 
retary did nothing to favor the banks. It was all to help the public. "The 
reasons for this action," he Says, "were to avoid the injurious effect upon 
trade and industry of a too sudden withdrawal from public uses Into the vaults 
of the Treasury of so large a sum as fifty-eight millions of dollars. Of course 
if he had redeemed bonds with the money he loaned to the banks, the money 
thus paid out by him would haVe gone into circulation just as certainly as 
when he loaned it to his banking friends. He tells us that by the end of May, 
1898, the deposits in the banks ha4 been reduced to a little more than twenty- 
eight millions. "At this time," he says, "the breaking out of war occurred 
between the United States and Spain," Sere he is a little behind time, as the 
war commenced early in April, 1898. Fifty millions were appropriated on 
the 9th of March in a lump sum, to be used by the President in preparing for 
the war then Inevitable. In June, 1898, Congress authorized the Secretary of 
the Treasury to issue bonds to the extent of four hundred millions of dollars, 
but he only called for two hundred millions. The Secretary expressed hU 
piide over the results of this loan. He gave the first opportunity to - the 
people and as low a sum as twenty dollars could be invested. "Yet," he says, 
"in passing, it may not be amiss to say that one of the elements of the success 
of the war loan was the fact that it was supported by great financial institu- 
tions. On the day that the books were opened the National City Bank of New. 
(York and its associates, the Central Trust Company of New York, and Ver- 
milye & Company, offered to take at par and accrued interest any portion 
of the bonds offered that might not be subscribed for by the pufblic. 

"On the same day, also, as appears from the record of the Departnient,: 
J. P. Morgan & Company, and their associates, numbering fifteen of the great- 
est financial houses of the country, subscribed for the entire issue of two hun- 
ifljed mifiion dollars, or such parts thereof as jmight no;t be suTjscrjbed for bj] 
tS^ gemetal public^"' 


A gooaiy amount of tli(^'S!ii-oii6f' i-ecei^ed for the sale at these bond's was 
plijced In the national bajik depositaries. The Secretary casually remarks 
that "in the course of a^i,ra,pgt^reviewed, th,e, deposltai-y banks in the city 
of New York were able to buy more bonds and thus qualify themselves in a 
much larger proportion than the interior cities arid smaller towns throughout 
the countrr." • ' 

Tire deposits in 'all the banks had reached ninety-four millions on the 1st 
of January, 1899. The war taxes brought in a largely increased revenue 
wWcli, of course, Secretary Gage attributes to the influence of "the revival of 
commerce and the industries," "wider activities," etc., etc. As no revenues 
came from any other source than the war taxes we see at once th9,t pros- 
perity is measured by the amount of taxes collected. The rush of these taxes 
into the treasury "where it could serve no present useful pui-pose" caused 
much anxiety. "The movement of crops" crippled the banks when their cus- 
tomers wanted their notes discounted. The Secretary offered to "shave" Gov- 
ernment coupons not yet due, but the holders did not accept his terms. He of- 
fered to buy twenty mllUons'of cerfain government bonds at the market rate, 
but only nineteen millions were presented for sale. Thi^ was because the 
bonds advanced in the market above his limit. 

Prosperity Checked. 

Socretaify Gage makes tbe remarkable- statement that -In the midst of the 
prosDcrity in which the country was rolling and rollicking "an unsettling 
f.iiaucial panic occurred in New York," on the 18th of December, 1899. 
"Prices oif investment securities of every grade and kind, except Government 
bonds, fell ruinously, interest rose to fabulous rates, and a general constric- 
tion of the money market was apparent. While this state of affairs found its 
most violent expression in the security market, it excited a state of anxiety 
and ..aliirm throughout our industrial and commercial communities wherever 
located." Thus we see that prosperity was granted a temporary leave of ab- 
sence, and tlie spread of this panic had ta be arrested. As Secretary Gage 
eSEpresses it, "the situation was believed to be so grave as to justify the 
utmost interference." Accordingly the Secretary announced through the pub- 
lic press that he would increase the funds in depositary banks then exist- 
ingj and would, designate new depositary banks, and that he would distribute 
among, them _about a million a day of Internal revenue receipts. He stated 
that the- .govfirnment could deposit thirty or forty-millions in this manner. The 
letter of ttie. Secretary tJf the Treasury from which all these references have 
been taken is Senate. Docuinent No. 70 of the 1st Session of the 55th Oon-, . It does not a.ppear from the Secretary's report that he troubled him- 
self at any:ti8ie to loot after the business interests of any other class of 
aur-cltisens th^n-tbe banks and those who wanted notes discounted at. those 
baflks. The holders of bonds could borrow no money upon them at the 
Treasury unless they were bankers. Of course section 51.i3 of the Revised 
Statutes, enacted by a Republican Congress, was enacted especially for the 


to distribute favors 
pay the highest rates 

benefit of the bankers, and then the banks were fi-ee 
among those who had the*best securities and woum p£ 
or interest and , bonus. , 

The New York City Bahk. 

The New York City Bank started In 1894 with the modest deposit of 
$200,000 worth _^of bonds as a national depositairy, and refetVed that amount 
of the public money free of interest. In the sale of bonds', under the ad- 
ministration of the Treasury Department, by Secretary Carlisle, it began to 
grow in impoitance, although subordinate at all times to the First National 

"The stattis of the National City Bank," says Secretary Gage, "so far as 
the Treasury Department was concerned, remained substantially the same 
until the settlejnent of the Pacific Railroad indebtedness late in 1897.'' That is 
to say, the amount of its qualification as a permanent depositary was limited 
to $200,000. But In 1897, When the Union Pacific settlement brought fifty-' 
eight millions into the treasury, the National City Bank deposited twenty-four 
milFions of bonds and received a little less than that amount of this huge pay- 
ment. It was one of the eight banks which qualified as temporary depositar- 
ies. The other seven received from the National City Bank their proportion, 
amounting in all to $6,700,000. The Secretary does not state how long these 
large loans were enjoyed by the eiglit banks. He merely remarks that the 
various sums were finally transferred to the Sub-Treasury. 

When the two hundred millions of bonds were sold the. National City Bank 
received fourteen millions. The growth in governmental favor of the Na- 
tional City Bank is popularly attributed to two causes intimately related to 
each other. One was that the bank had come into the possession and con- 
trol of the Standard Oil magnates, and the otiaer wsls that these gentlemen, 
or perhaps one of them as the repVesentative of all, had made so large a 
contribution to the presidential campaign fund of 1896, to aid Mr. McKinley's 
election, that Mr, Hepburn, who had been transferred from the House ot 
Kepresentatives to the Vice Presidency of that bank, took occasion to remind 
Secretary Gage of that contribution. This he did in the following letter; i 

."The National City Bank of New York, 

"New York, June 5, 1897. 

"My D(<ar Mr. Gage:— The National City Bank of this city, of which I re- 
cently became vice-president through the consolidation of the business of 
the Third National with it, is one of the banks designated as a United States 
depository, and I write to request that in any changes which may be made 
under the administration we may not be disturbed ip this respect. We should 
like to remain a United States depository, as at present. Of course, the bank 
Is very strong, and if you will take the pains to look at our liSt of directors 
you will see that we also have very great political claims in view of what 
was done during the canvass last year. Yours very truly, 


"Hon. Toyman J. Gage, 

"United States Treasury, Washington, D. C." 

THE STANDARD OIL bank! 293' 

How delicate the intiiijation' ifow free from the aft^ of thfe politfcian!' 
"Great political claims !" ^'l^ere was a business man adaWssing 'another busi- ' 
cess man. Both were accustomed to business prlneipleS'"ancl business Meth- 
ods. He does not state Ayhat-w^s- done, duriag, the preceding camjjaign, but 
we i^ay-be sore- that whatgTfer it was, it was done, with an eye to business. 
Of;CO,urse everybo<ly kncm-a that it was] a donation of money with which to 
foj;ral,ypt£^,,]^r Mpiiinley, Perhaps the herd thus driven up like cattle were 
no,t to be, paid. Perhaps the herdsma^absorlKd ,tlie whole, of the money. Mr. 
Hep.burn knew Mr. Gage. He calls 'hiru:"JIy' Dear Mr. "Gage," and Mr.' 
Gage must have been regarded by him' as' certain to recogniize the "great po; 
11 Ileal claims" of contributors to the campaign fund when T^reasury favors were 
being passed about. This letter wag put upon the files of the Department. 
The "political claims", were allowed. The National City Bank became the 
bell-wether of the tainted flock of banks deemed worthy' to use public fimds ' 
without interest as a, part of their own capital, to Tae loaned put at the best 
interest they could get. The gorge rises at such corruption. The standard 
of public morality fs low indeed if two conspicuous bankers like A. B. Hepburn 
and Lyman J. Gage can thus without shame publi/jly trafB'c In the public' 
moneys In the dlschai-ge of "great political claims." 

The New York Custom House. 

Seeretaiy Gage's letter gives an account of the sale of the old New York 
Custom House. It was sold July 3, 1899, to the National City Bank of New 
'York for $3,2e5,000. The National City Bank made a payment to itself, as a 
desii^nated depositary of the United States, of 33,210,000 of the purchase 
nibney. The Treasurer of the United States was informed of this deposit and- 
accepted it is a deposit in the Treasury of the United States. The Govern- 
ment continued to occupy the old Custom House after having sold it, thereby 
Incurring an indebtedness to the National City Bank for rent. No deed Was 
to be made for the property until the final payment was made.' At the date 
of Sep'retary Gage's letter such final payment had not been made and, therew 
fore7 no deed had been executed. So long as the title remains In the govern- 
iBent the projperty cannot be taxed. Under the contract of salei it was to be . 
optional with tpe bank whether it wouM make the final payment before the 
ooBipletion oi the n&w Custom House or not until then. If the bank should de- 
cide to make the whole payment and" receive its deed; then the Government 
Was tb'bV&u'py tlie old Custom House until the new one was- done at a rental' 
of '$136,600 annually,— being four per cent, of the purchase price. The banfc 
Was to listy four per cent, on the balance due until paid. 

Thus it will be seen that the National City Bank is the equitable owner of - 
tMeoid New York Custom House, while the United States continues to be the-. 
I^ai owner. The TTnited States remains the legal owner, therehy exempting 
tlie'property from taxation by the State and City of New York. The National 


City Bauk is tlie equitable ov/ner in order to collect rent from the legal OTi-ner, 
and receives an-eutal equal to foUr.tper,iBiE»l[j;'r>f-iJlCi purchase money. Tbe 
Government is not to leave tlie old Custom House 'until the nevsr one Is fin- 
ished. By the jugglery Of :both selling itVaUd; keeping it, the Goyemment 
pays the bank $130,000 a year, and the bank is saved from the payment- of 
taxation on the property. Would Secretary Gage retain an agent who would 
sell a piece of property for him on such terms? 

The Standard Oil in Finance—Late Statistics Showing Con- 
centrated Capital in Form Called by Many the "Money 
Power" or "Money Trust." 

New York Dispatc'h in Chicago Tribune, August 5, 19O0:— The Standard Oil 
Company is rapidly developing its hold upon the financial institutions of the 
country, as well as upon the public funds of the United States. The great 
National City bank, which is the home of the money of the Standard Oil Com- 
pany, is gradually increasing Its strength by the purchase of the control of 
ether New York banks. 

The capitalists behind this bank now practically control the Hanover Na- 
tional, the Second National, the Bank of the Metropolis, and the National Park 
Bank, and have within the last ten days obtained control of the Lincoln Na- 
tional Bank, one O'f the strongest of the up-town institutions. Within the last 
year the Standard Oil crowd has obtained control of the First National Bank 
of Chicago, of which Lyiman J. Gage, Secretary of the Treasury, was formerly 

In addition to the banks, the Standard Oil Company now controls three 
of the most important trust companies in the city of New York — namely: the' 
United States Trust Company, the Farmers' Loan and Trust Company, and 
the Central Trust Company. 

The total capital stock of this group of financial institutions controlled by 
the Standard Oil Company is $22,900,000, while their surplus is $44,023,724, 
and their loans aggregate $342,775,200. 

One of the startling features of the power and influence of this group of 
•banks and trust companies owned by the Rockefellers is the fact that their 
deposits form about one-fifth of the entire amount of money in circulation 
In the United States. They had in their vaults on Saturday the enormous 
sum of $432,002,200; of- these deposits $21,640,100 were United States treasury 

The following table shows the condition of the leading Standard Oil institu- 
tions, with their capital, surplus, loans, deposits, and Government deposits: 

National City Bank— Capital, $10,000,000; surplus, $5,298,600; loans, $95,- 
494,000; deposits, $118,099,400; government deposits, $15,000,000. 

Hanover National-Capital, $3,000,000; surplus, $5,014,100; loans, .$42,784,- 
OCO; deposits, $49,724,000; government deposits, $5,562,100. 

Second National-Capital, $300,000; surplus, $799,000; loans, $8,552,000; de- 
posits, $9,433,000, 


' ■'- a JOOllOj O! , , ' ,, ; 

Bank of the Metropi(»ils-4€ai«iffeaJ, $300,000; surplus, $963,000; loans, $6,So4,- 
'000; deposits, $7,295,a0O.o^iJuH iCv ,»,,,: , . 

■<!Lineoln Natioiial-.C3pitai,!.fa00,00Q,; surplus,, $890,100; loaus, $10,481,000; de- 
-posits, $12,135,600; giycernment. deposits, $250,000. - > 

- Natlonal^Park— Capital, $2,000,000; surplus, $3,306,200; loans, $44,310,000; 
deposits, $56,555,000. , , 

First National of Chicago— Capital, $3,000,000; surplus, $2,000,000; loans, 
$2§,0o6,00O; deposits, $43,500,000; government deposits, $228,000. 

United States Trust Company— Capital, $2,000,000; surplus, $10,000,000; 
loans, $28,300,000; deposits, $52,100,000. 

Farmers' Loan and Trust Company- Capital, $100,000; surplus, $5,525,124; 
loans; $83,000,000; deposits, $41,700,000. 

Central Trust Company— Capital, $l,000j000; surplus, $10,257,000; loans, $48,- 
000,000; deposits, $43,000,000. 

Totals— Capital, $22,900,000; surplus, $44,023,734; loans, $342,775,000; de- 
posits, $432,092,200; government deposits, $21,640,100. 



' Tie Eepublican platform claims that in 1896 the people commissioned tKe 
party to enact two laws, "a protective tariff and a law making gold the 
standard of value." This commission, says the platform, "has been executed 
and the Republican promise is redeemed. Prosperity, more general and more 
abundant than we have ever linown, has followed these enactments. * ♦ • 
Capital is fully employed and labor everywhere is profitably occupied. * • • 
The volume of money in circulation was never so great per capita as it is to- 

This is a claim that prosperity has resulted from Republieam legislation* 
This prosperity has shown Itself in the increase in prices of products. If Re- 
publican legislation caused prices to rise and<prosperity to come, then Repub- 
lican legislation must have brought prosperity to all the wcH-ld, because other 
countries have been as prosperous as, and even more prosperous than, the 
United States. In fact, the rise of prices began in England nearly a year 
before it Began in the United States, and England did not owe her prosperity 
to the Republican legislation in the United States. This matter can be 
brought to exact measurement by comparing the level of prices in different 
countries. The following tables give a comparison of tliis sort derived from 
the most reliable Information to be found in various countries.' In England 
Mr. Sauerbeck's well-known comipilation of prices, accepted as authority^ bj; 
all economists and publicists, shows that from 1896-7 to 1899-1900 the average 
level of wholesale prices rose 17 per cent. This includes the prices of 45 staple 
articles, such as wheat, cotton, corn, iron and the metals, coal, lumber, 
bricE, coffee, tea, etc 

The German government compiles every month 'a table of the prices of 30 
staple articlfes in the leading cities of Germany. These include all the staples, 
but not the more hig'hly manufactured products. For example, It gives only 
pig iron, whereas Sauerbeck gives both pig iron and bar iron. These German 
prices have been compared by the eminent German, Professor Oonrad, and 
they show a rise of 22 per cent, from 1896 to 1809. ; ! 

The Government Bank of Japan has compiled a series of prices since Jan- 
nary, 1887. This includes 40 staple articles at wholesale. These 40 articles 
6how an average rise ctf 26 per cent, from 1896 to 1899-1900. The goliJ standar4 


Tvas adopted by Japan in October, 1897, at a ratio of 30 to 1. This caused no 
change in the prlce-leTel betause instead of reducing their silver dollar to 50 
cents in gold, the Japanese cut the gold dollar in two and m^de what had been 
50 cents In gold thenceforth lOO cents in gold. This, of course, brought gold 
prices up to silver prices. Since the adoption of the gold standard wholesale 
prices have risen 11 per cent. 

Compare these changes in other gold-standard countries with the compila- 
tion of prices for the United States made by ;the Bureau of Economic Research 
of New York City. These show a rise of 23 per cent, from 1896 to 1899-1900., 
They include 66 staple articles, practically the same as those included by, 
Sauerbeck and Conrad, with additional more highly manufactured products. 

Taking these four countries, all of which are on a gold basis, and are the 
only- countries for which reliable price statistics are available, it is plain that 
prosperity in each country has proceeded from some cause that is common 
to all countries. They have not all had the advantage of Republican legisla/- 
tlon, yet they have had a similar rise of prices. The explanation is found 
partly In the increased output of gold from the mines, which has forced up 
prices in all gold-standard countries. 

In order to understand the causes of this increase in prices throughout the 
world, it is necessary to go back to the trettiendous fall in prices which brought 
on the hard times of 1893-1897. These same authorities show a ch?inge in 
prices as follows: ' ^ 

Changes in Average Prices 1890 to 1896-7. 

(Great Britain fall 15 per cent, 

Germany .• fall 23 per cent 

United States ; fall 23 per cent. 

Japan ' ^.rise 31 per cent. 




Gomparlng ttiese-two periods; we have tie following diagram: 


\'()\ FALL 2.3^ 

\sj6 15^6-/ ,/a^6-r .ia^j--/7oo 

Japan,, during the first period, was on a silver Isasis, and -was, therefore, ^ 
protected from the depression in gold-standard countries. During the second 
period Japan was on a gold basis and so shared in the prosperity of the 
gold-standard countries. 

What, now, Avore the causes of the fall in prices of 15 per cent, to 23 
per cent, from 1890-189G and again the rise in prices of 17 per cent, to 26 
per cent, from 1S9G to 1899-1900? The causes are found in the world's gold 
production and the adoption of the gold standard by India, Russia and Austria. ' 

Among the weightiest influences affecting the world's finances during the 
past decade have been the currency and banliicg operations of Europe. The 
effect of those operations can be seen by dividing the period since the year 
1887 into three parts: First, the four years ending with 1890; second, thefou'r 
years following 1890; third, the four years ending 1898. During the Tour 




years ending ■with 1890 the gold product of the world averaged $115,000,000 per 
'year. (See Table 1.) i Ofi^ttiis ammiatr Russia, Austiia;^ungary, France, and 
Germany absorbed, throiigh home prodtiction and net imports (deducting ex- 
ports), $25,000,000 per. year, leaving $90,000,000 per year, or $360,000,000 for 
four years, for the arts and other countries. During the four years following- 
1890 (1891-1894) the world's average product of gold had increased to $154,000,- 
000 per year, but these four countries increased their net absorption more than 
seven-fold, reaching the average of $180,000,000 per year, thus tating, not 
.only the entire prodiict of the period, but $26,000,000 per year in addition. 
This not only left nothing for the arts, which, therefore, had to draw from 
the world's stock, but also drained $104,000,000 in four years from other 

Cold. Product, tuHopEmABso^jmB 


Word's Fradaof ^ 
E u Copea n . A bsQq>t T on 



Wo/lt/is Pro^urf 
Europe an Ahsotjptfg^ 

■This exl^ordlriary absorption of gold by these continental cpuntries ex- 
plains the loss of gold by the United States, which was ofCered as an excuse 
forjpepealing the Sherman Act. Whereas, in the first period, 188Y-1890, above 
mentioned, tlie United States imported $80,000,000 net (after deducting ex- 
ports) and produced $130,000,000, malsing a net absorption of $210,000,000, 
yet in the period 1891-1894 the United States exported $160,000,00 net, and pro- 


duced $140,000,000, suffeiing a net loss of $20,000,000. Had this gold, when 
it went abroad, ,;gone into circulatioij, it {PfOiHljd ^Ijayp, increased the money 
supply of Europe, and have liept up gold prices,, jji^tij^s was done by Amer- 
ican geld in 1801-ti5 wfeea dri.ven to Europe ^ iPftper money at home. As 
soon as prices liad risen, this would have checlied the export of gold from 
this country. But, instead, the gold went out of circulation, being absorbed 
tod for the time Ipclied up by the three leading European powers, and gold 
prices fell 15 per cent, and 23 per cent, in six years. There was a scarcity of 
gold, because these four countries took mot only the entire gold product, but 
also a large part of that exported from the United States, and locked It up in 
war chests and treasui'ies, while preparing to substitute it for paper money» 
Russia alone, in ten years ending 1897, took $500,000,000 iu gold and de- 
stroyed $500,000,000 of her paper money. Austria also displaced paper with 
gold, and France, Germany, and England, in order to protect themselves, in- 
creased the gold Teserves in their state banks _ far beyond what had been 
known before. From December, 1889, to December, 1807, the gold held by the 
five State banks of the leading countries increased from $830,000,000 to $1,- 
382,000,000, an increase of $550,000,000. At the same time notes and deposits 
increased only from $2,312,300,000 to $2,548,900,000, an increase of only 
$236,600,000 (Table II). In other words, while in 1889 the gold reserves of the 
five state banks ^mounted to 36 per cent, of the notes and deposits, in 1897 
the gold reserves had been increased to 54 per cent, of the notes and de- 
posits. The greater part of these increased gold Jpfeerves was therefore just 
so much extracted from ctimmercial use, and/ represented in effect a con- 
traction of the world's, currency to that amount. ' ' ■ 

Beginning in 1897 exactly the opposite movement occurred. In that year 
Russia finally adopted the gold standard, and began paying out gold for paper, 
and destroying the latter. She continued her heavy importations into the coun- 
try, but the gold in her Ti-easury fell off $300,000,000 from December, 1897, 
to September, 1899. This amount went into circulation. Altogether the 
gold held by the five principal banks decreased- $164,000,000 in the 21 months 
from December, 1897, to September, 1899. • This alone was equivalent to 
an increase in the world's available gold supply at the rate of $95,000,000 per 
year. During this year the notes and deposits remained practically station- 
ary, and the ratio of gold reserves fell from 54 per cent, to 44 per cent 

At the same time a new factor appeared and began to augment still fur- 
ther the gold supply. This was the enormoiis increase in the world's producr 
tion of gold. The product of 1897 was double that of 1890; the product of 1S98 
increased $50,000,000 above that of 1897; and the product of 1899 amounted to 
about $315,000,000, which was an increase of $200,000,000 per year above the 
average product of 1887 to 1890. This astonishing production of gold, coupled 
with lessened absorption by the four continental countries, left a large surplus 
for other countries. The suiidIus of 1895 was $125,000,000, whereas there had 
been an average deficit of $26,000,000 for the four years preceding. The 
average surplus of these four years (1895-1898) was $124,000,000 per year. 


against an aTerage deM'C'i'f ^fiS'.ODO.OCKJ^ per year for the preCfeding ; four 
years. (Table I and cliag^M.)'*'-'^''"! ' ■ j. .*.»;' 

, THis explains the sMdi^Hk tii g61d by the- -UBite* ^States, Which in- 1897 
was $102,000,000, and in "1898 ''^!$!:60,OOO,GboV against ^ loss of $26,000,000 in 
1896, and a loss of $l«0,00O,000 in the four years from 1891 to 1894. 

T-hfti -World's iiforease in gciid- since 1897 can be compared only with the 
woifld's increase in 1850 to 1860, and the effect- on prices is similar. The an- 
nual -prodtict of gold is now 2% titoes the arintl^l product- of the ten years 
1850-59, but its proportion to the existing stocli of metal money is about the 
same. For 1848 the total stock of gold arid silver is variously estimated at $2,- 
000,000,000 to $2,500,000,000. The annual proSuct was about $133,000,^ 
000. This was 6 per. cent, of the existing Stoeli of gold and silver, and, since ' 
both metals were tied toigether at that time by bimetallism, this gold product, ^ 
coupled "With inflation of credit, was enoilgh to send both gold and silver 
price's in England upward 31 per cent, in the two years 1852-1854. Prices 
rose to a still higher point in 1857. (Sauerbeck.) Then followed a panic, 
tut a still higher level was reached, which in 1860 was 27 per cent, above - 
the level of 1849 to 1852. 

In 1896, on the other hand, the existing stock of gold was about $4,300,- 
000,000. As silver is now no longer linked with gold, the annual product of 
gold affects gold prices alone. The annual product was 5 per cent, of the ex^- 
isting stoclj- in 1897, 6 per cent, in 1898, and 6.3 per cent, in 1899. The rise 
of prices in England in the two years '97 'to '99 has not yet quite reached 
the same figures as in 1852, being only 17 per cent., according to Satterbeck.' 
But it Is 23 per cent, in the United States and 22i per cent In Germany; 

The conclusion to be drawn from the foregoing facts is plainly that it has- 
not been owing to Republican policy that the rise of prices has oecun-ed 
sioce 1896. The rise and the preceding fall have both been owing to the 
single gold standard— a standard which shows its instability by bringing on 
a four-years' depression and then a one-year boom. Neither gold alone nor 
silver alone is a stable standard. Japan's prices on a single silver standard, 
as shown above, rose 31 per cent, while gold prices were falling 15 per cent, 
to 23 per cent. Had there existed at that time the bimetallic standard, then • 
the compensatory action of both metals would have prevented both a fall in 
Europe and America and a rise in Japan and India, but would have ke^it 
a stabl^ level throughout the wbrid. At the same time, with such a large 
base as is afforded Vy both metals, being twice as large as the single gold 
basis, the new gold output of the past five years would have exercised only 
one-half its recent influence on the price level. In other words, a bimetallic- 
price level would have maintained stability, and the level of prices in 19Q0 
would have been as high as it was in 1890 without the intervening terrible 



(The statistical tables given below are for verification of the foregoing 
statements by those who wish to examine the question more carefully.) 

World's gold product and absorption by Continental Bwrope. 

130-1 .... 
1«92 .. 




Av. 4yrs, 


Gold Product 

Absorption by 

l:ussi<i' 11' Aus 


^ bsorption hy 
France and 

Total absorption 
, by Foreign 



Surplus for Arts 
and other 






$10.283 404 

— ?21.]33 4''-9 

— 8 3.54,669 

.. +43,881,231 

'. — 9 970,459 

— S10,84'i,965 

9 ,372,926 



100.823 974 




■ 4,426,674 


362.148 057 

Av. 4yrs. 



— 1,106,663 






: 101,365.690 






50 5.58,707 
62.313 481 



20S„544 393 



— 21,374,307 

— 58,729.293 
+ 9i727,987 

— 64,427,277 

■ 101,702;980 

- 26,175,745 





237.504,801 ■ 


















Av. 4yrs. 




* The flare's for "absorption" are obtainc'i by adding the domestic product (if any) tothelm 
ports and deducting the exports, consequently the minus sign denotes net expofK. 

t Figures lor "sup us" are obtained by deducting " total absorption " from " gold product," coa- 
seqnei'tly mmits sign denotes absorption greater tiian the product. 

I Includes S17,296,517 imports Into Eouraanla. 




,'1J30I/I"i -idf 


Gold reserves, notes ani deposits offioe prinetpal government banks of Europe. 

•j:-\i\iv':> I'll M' - , ■,■<•/,„;. I ■ 

■ (00,000's omitted.) 

,^6£0mber, 1889- ,,..:.,.;■ 


' '.Deposits 










" «270,0 






4 7,0 

Total notes and deposits « 

Ratio of gold -to notes and deposits.. 



December, 1897- 














Total notes and deposit') ■ v- 

Ratio of gold to notes and deposits per cent.- 


November, 1899— 












, Total notes and deposits > 

Ratio of gold to notes and deposits - per cent- 



PART SEVEN.— Labor. 


It is not-neefled or fitting Iiere tliat a general argument sliould be made In faror of 
popular institutions, but there is one point with its connection not so hackneyed as 
most others, to which I ask a brief attention. It is tlie effort to place capital on an 
equal footing with, if not above, labor in the structure of government. It is assumed 
that labor is available only in connection with cap'tai, that nobody labors unless some- 
body else owning capital somehow, by the use of it. induces him to labor. Labor is 
prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never 
have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital and deserves 
much the higher eoBsideratioii. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those 
who toil up from poverty; none less inclined to take or touch aught whiich they have 
not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they 
already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be used to Close the doors of 
advancement against such as they, and to fix new disabilities and Durdens upon them 
till all of liberty shall be lost.— (President's Lincoln's Message, 186L) 

Labor creates capital. Until wealth is produced by the application of brain and 
muscle to the resources of this country there is nothing to divide among the non-pro- 
ducing classes of society.' Since the producers of wealth create the nation's prosperity 
in time of peace, and defend the nation's flag in time of peril, their interests ought 
at all times to be considered by those who stand in official positions. The Democratic 
party has ever found its voting strength among those who are proud to be known ag 
the common people, and it pledges itself to propose and enact such legislation as Is 
necessary to protect the masses in the free exercise of every political' right and in the 
enjoyment of their just share of the rewards of their labor.— (Bryan's Letter of Accept- 
ance, September, 1896.) 

Among all agencies which, for the past few years, have been at worfi improving the 
condition and protecting the rights of the wage-earners, I believe that labor organiza- 
tions stand first. They have brought the laboring men together where they could com- 
pare their views, unite their strength, and combine their influence, and we have these 
organizations to thank for many of the blessings which have been secured for those 
who toil. Some have criticised and condemned labor organizations. Some believe that 
banks should join associations, that railroad managers should join associations, that ail 
the large corporations should join associations, but that laboring men should not organ- 
ize. Yet labor organizations have been the means by which worUingmen have pro- 
tected themselves in their contests.— (Bryan's Speech on Labor Day at Chicago in 1896.) 

The Eight-Hour Law. 

Although the Republican party was organized in 1856 for tjie protection of 
free wljite labor in the territories against the introduction of slave labor, and 
prevailed in 1860 on that issue, manjr of its leaders soon forgot the ladder oa 


^whjch they had mounted, and a large and constantly increasing section of tBe 

^Republican party became especially engrossed in looking out for the interests 
of the Government contractors and bond syndicates. Great fortunes were 
made in the war, and those who had made them made their influence felfc in 
further schemes for the accumulation of wealth. The worlsmen of the counti-y 
looked for friendship to the party of Lincoln, and well they might, for he was 
their friend, and was supposed by them to be all-powerful. 

/ During the year after the war an agitation was commenced among them for 
an eighf -hour. work day for laborers and mechanics employed on Government 
work. During that year and the two succeeding ones several bills were intro- 
duced making eight hours a working day for all such work. In 1866 Mr. Rog- 
ers, a Democratic Representative from New Jersey, Introduced an eight-hour 
bill, which was referred to the Republican Committee on the Judiciary, where 
it died. Jlr. Niblack, a Democratic Representative from Indiana, introduced a 
joint resolution declaring eight hours a legal clay's work for Government labor- 
ers. This met with the same fate. In the Senate, in 1867, Senator Brown, of 
Missouri, a Republican, introduced an eight-hour bill, which was referred to 
the Committee on Naval AfCaii-s. It was reported back by Senator Grimes, a 
Republican of Iowa, who' moved that the committee be discharged from its 
further consideration. The motion was agreed to, and the bill thereby de- 
feated. The House and Senate at that time were largely Republican. March 
14, 1867, . Mr. Julian, a Itepubliean Representative from Indiana, introduced 
an eight-hour bill. It was ueferred to the Committee on the Judiciary, where 

. It died. Later In the month Representative Banks, a Republicari from Massa- 
chusetts, introduced an eight-hour bill, which was passed by the House. The 
bill was sent to the Senate, and after considerable debate was referred to the 
Committee on Finance, of which Senator John Sherman, a Republican from 
Ohio, was chairman. It died a lingering death in his committee. General 
'Banks introduced a similar bill at the next session in January, ISeS. The biU 
passed on the same day. It went to the Senate at once, where it was laid on 
the table. On the 3d of June, 1868, Senator Hendricks, of Indiana, moved to 
take it up for consideration, and made an earnest speech in favor of his mo- 
tion. The Senate refused to take the bill up at that time. On the 24th of ^une, ' 
1868, about ten days before the meeting' of the National Democratic Convention, 
the bill was taJien up by the Senate and passed by a vote of 26 to 11. The naya 
consisted of ten Republicans and one Democrat. It was approved on th# fol- 
lowing day by President Johnson. The fact that a Democratic National Con-' 
vention was near at hand doubtless had very much to do with Its passage at 
that particular time. Senator Hendricks, in the debate on the bill, referred to 
the large number of workingmen of the country who had petitioned Congress 
for it. 

Notwithstanding the clear and concise wording of the law, and the evident 
latent and purpoise of Oongress^ as shown by the debates, to limit all Govern-- 


ment wort to eight hours per day, it soon became apparent that many execu- 
tive and military and naval officers were b'itterly opposed to the principle em- 
bodied in the law, and were determined- to construe its provisions to suit them- 
selves, and by open or secret intimidation compel or permit workmen to labor 
ten or more hours per day or sednre a reduction of wages if thely -worked onfy 
the number of hours flxed by- the' law. The langaaga of tie law was as fol- 
lows: :....:.:• .■_>/, -:i ?; .<:..■'■-:■;.'■;. ■■ C-C •..-'■" .^ i: -i-c-"- .i ■, - 

"Bight hours shall consdtute a day's work (or laborers, workmen and me- 
chanics now employed or who may hereafter be employed by or 'on behalf of 
the Government of the United States." 

For the greater part of twenty-four years, from 1868 to 1892, the working, 
men of the country urged the enforcement of this law in accordance with its 
spirit and intent, but no penalty having been provided for its violation, their 
appals were generally treated with indifferehee, often with contempt, and 
officers of the Government evaded and violated the law with impunity. So fla- 
grant, indeed, and so frequent were the early violations of the law that Presi- 
dent Grant was appealed to, and on May 19, 1869, he issued a proclamation 
directing that from aad after that date no reductioe should be made in tfie 
wages, paid by the Government, by the day, to lalwrers, workmen and mechan- 
ics on account of the reduction of the hours to eight per day. 

, So hostile were a large number of Government officials, and so persistent 
were, their violations of the eight-hour law, that President Grant was again 
appealed to, and on May 11, 1872, he is&ued a second proclamation directing 
'Government officials to obey the law ' ^ 

The object of the eight-hour law of June 25, 1868, was to limit the hours of 
labor on 'Government work to eight pe?^ day, so that a larger rramber of work- 
mMi might be employed; and it was violated whenever laborers,- worismen and 
toechauics were required or permitted to work more than eight hours per day, 
with or without additional compensation. 

It was & g&nerous policy that actuated the workmen in foregoing their rlglit 
to work more than eighf hours a day for. extrsi compensation, In order that 
every forty hours of l^bor for the Gqvemmeiat might be a day's work for flvo 
men instead of four. T^e only relief that can come to the unemployed is by 
making more daya' work. Capital may well question whether eight hours of 
contented labor, with the result of increasing by 25 per cent, thfr nupiber. ,of 
men employed would not be a wise and, in the long run, a profitable invest- 

After more than twenty years of failure to secure the enforcement o^tKe 
law of 1868 in accordance with its true spirit and intent through the executive 
branch of the GoV'ei^nment, the wpi-kirigmen of the coiintry petitioned Cqii- 
gregs fm- the passage of an eight-hour law with a penalty clause to compel its 
observance. In response to this demand the House of Eepresenta lives, on the 


28th of August, 1890, passed an unsatisfactory bill, and the Senate refused to 
malie the amendments recommended by organized labor as necessary to make 
it effective. In 1S92, the House being Democratic and the Senate Republican, 
Mr. Tarsney, a Democratic , Representative from Missouri, Chairman of the 
Committee on Labor, reported, to the House an eight-hour bill which met the 
approval of organized labor, and, after an extended debate and many efforts 
to render the bill useless by unfriendly amendments, the House passed the bill 
by a vote of 166 to*30. William Jennings Bryan, then a member of the House, 
warmly supported this biH. 

The bill passed the Senate July 28, 1892, and was signed by President Harri- 
son August 1. Again the workmen had been favored by the liberalizing influ- 
ence upon the Republican leaders of a Presidential campaign. 

It was believed that Government officers would find i€ impossible to evade oi 
misconstrue this law. The, intention of the workingraen of the country had 
been to secure a law that would in plain language require all work done di- 
rectly by the Government or by private individuals or corporations for the Gov- 
ernment by contract to be executed under the eight-hour system. But a QTf- 
fercnt construction has been placed upon it by the executive departments of 
the Government, and a considerable amount of work performed under contract, 
including a number of vessels for the Navy, has been excepted from the opera- 
tion of this eight-hour law. . To meet this defect in or misconstruction of the 
law of August 1, 1892, the workingmen of the country petitioned Congress for 
the>passage of an eight-hour' law which would admit of but one meaning. 

To say that workingmen on Government work shall be paid a day's wages 
fm- eight hours' labor, and then to say that this does not apply to labor on 
a battleship liuilt.undei- contract for the Government is "keeping the word of 
promise to the ear to break- it to the hope." It puts the Republican party 
in the aittitude of pettifogging with, the workingmen of the country. When- 
ever the Republican party puts on an appearance of doing something for 
the workingmen, it will be observed that it has a string tied to It. If eight 
hours is a fair day's work for the Government, why is it not a fair day's work 
for a contractor engaged in constiiictlng a ship for the Government? And 
if it is, why is it not a proper condition to attach to a Government contract? 
If the eight-hour law is good legislation, it should extend to all the work 
the Government has done, whether by contract or otherwise. If it is a fraud 
and false pretense, then It is a disgrace to the Republican party to con- 
tinue it on the statute book. 

A New Eight-Hour Bill. 

The Legislative Committee of the, American Federation of Labor, appoint- 
ed to carry out the instructions of its latest convention, made a very able 
and interesting report, which appeared in the July number of the American 
Federationlst. It is signed by Andrew Furuseth, George Chance and T. F. 
Tracy Among- other things the Committee gave its experience la the efforts 


made to secure the passage dt a new eight-hour House bill. From that re- 
port the following statement is prepared: 

"A bill limiting the hours of daily service of laborers and mechanics emf" 
ployed upon public works of, or work done ■fcfr the -United States.'-OT anjf. 
Territory, or the District of Columbia,"- was introduced by Represefltativfe •' 
Gardiner of New Jersey in the 55th Congress; and -passed- the HouS^. -Jt failea"; 
to pass the Senate. It was again- introdilced-by Mr-. Gardin^r*^!!- the 96th Coa-.-: 
gress and passed the House May 21, 1900, aftei? nifaeheariflgs' before the ; 
House Gammittee. Eight of these hearings 'were given to the representatives 
of the Carnegie Steel Works, the Bethlehem Steel Works <both in the Steel 
Trust and both manufacturers of armor plate), the iviidvale Steel Works, the 
Newport News Shipbuilding Company, the New York Shipbuilding Company,, 
the Bath Shipbuilding Company in Maine, and the Union Iron Works in Cal- 
ifornia, and other firms who contract with the United States Government. The 
Committee of Federation at once proceeded to labor for the passage of the 
bill through the Senate." They state, with great particularity, the trickerj', 
treachery and broken pledges they encountered on all sides from Republican . 
Senators. The situation was desperate and was so reported to President 
Gornpers, and that official summoned to Washington, in support of the bill, 
John Mitchell, President of Hie United Mine Workers of America, Harry 
White, Secretary of the United Garment Workers, Daniel J. Keefe, President 
of the International Longshoreman's Association, and M. M. Garland, ex- 
President of the Iron and Steel Workers. The two la,tter are prominent 
Republicans, and it was perhaps thought that for that reason their presence 
in Washington in favor of this bill would do much to overcome opposition 
thereto among the Republican Senators. But, p-h, how fujtile! And indeed 
why should anyone think that any Republican labor leader would be able 
to change the currents oeE the Republican party, and for a single moment 
cause it to forget its 'source of supplies' during an approaching campaign? 
they had carried the election in 1896 through the wholesale use of a corrup- 
tion fund, intimidation and fraud. They believfe that, regardless of their con- 
duct towards organized labor, they can succeed ag'ain by the use of the 
same methods. It is true that these Republican bosses are willing to, smile 
upon a labor leader belonging to their ix>litical faith, or occasionally to give ' 
one an office, if by so doing they can continue to befuddle and deceive the, 
masses. But such acts are always performed With mercenary intent. - ; 

Speaking of the efforts made by Messrs. Mitchell, White,. Keefe and Gar- 
land, the Legislative Committee says: . ^ 

"They had interviews with Senators Cullom of Illinois; Hann'a and Pora- 
ker of Ohio; Elkins of West Virginia, and Piatt of New York, Seeking to en- 
list their sympathy, and succeeded to tlie extent of obtaining, the promise from 
them that when the bills came before the Senate, they would vote for them. 
As to what they did, see the vote taken. ' ; ' ' 


"On Thursday afternoon, In an interview with Senator Kyle, we were 
again promised by him that he would call the committee together so that the 
bills could be acted upon. We had id the meantime seen members of the 
'steering committee' about our bill; we had urged the justice of, and the neces- 
sity for, the adoption of especially the eight-hour bill, using as an argument 
that if it is not enacted during this session of CJongress, the appropriationa 
made for the increase of the Navy would be contracted for, and hence all the 
warships and the armor for the same would be made under such conditions 
as to hours of labor as the contractors might decide, or be able to compel 
their employes to accept. We received assurance that they 'favored an eight- 
hour workday,' and the other statements were such as to justify our hope that 
the bill would be considered and passed during this session. Friday came 
and went; no committee meeting; no action talseii. Saturday came and 
went; no committee meeting; no action taken. So far as your committee was 
able to ascertain, there was no lntenti<jn on the part of the majority in taie 
Senate to pass this bill during this session of Congress. On Monday, June 
4, after consultation, it was decided to ask Senator Allen of Nebraslia to of- 
fer a motion to discharge the Committee on Education and Labor from 
further consideration of the eight-hour bill, and to put it on its passage, 
which he promised to do. 

"During an interview with Senator Pettigrew we were informed by him 
that during that day the Senate' had talcen the folloiwing action with ref- 
erence to bills H. E. 5430, H. R. 6882 and H. R. 10539: 

Mr. PETTIGREW. Here is a bill, House bill 5450, that ought to engage the atten- 
tion of the Senate. It is a bill "to limit the effect of the regulation of interstate com- 
merce between the several States in goods, wares and merchandise, wholly or in part 
manufactured by convict labor, or in any prison or reformatory." I have received 
many letters from all over the country with regard to the evil proposed to be corrected 
by this legislation. This bill ought to be passed before we adjourn, and I am going 
to insist in placing it In antagonism to any other unanimous consent that may be asked 
until we act upon it. 

There is another bill. House bill 6882, "limiting the hours of daily services of laborers 
and mechanics employed upon work done for the United States, or any Territory, or the 
District of Columbia, thereby securing better products, and for other purposes." This 
is a bill with regard to labor and It ought also to be considered. 

There is still another bill, Mr. President, and that Is the proposed anti-trust law 
which was passed by the House of Eepresentatives. The Senate ought to take up that 
bill and dispose of It at this session of Congress; and there is no special reason why 
we should adjourn until we do it. As far as I am concerned, I am going to antagonize 
and oppose every request for unanimous consent that less important subjects may be 
considered which leaves out these Important measures. (I'age 7015, Cong. Record.) 

"On page 7037, Congressional Record, we find the following record of an en- 
deavor on the part of Senator Allen of Nebraska to have the Committee on Ed- 
ucation and Labor discharged from further consideration of H. R. 6882 and 
to place it on the calendar. This colloquy between Senators Allen of Ne- 
brasTia, Piatt of Connecticut, and Aldrich, of Rhode Island, is very inter- 

Mr. ALLEX. I desire to enter a motion to discharge the committee having in charge 
the consideration of House bill 6882, and to place It on the calendar. 


Mr. SALE. What bill Is that? 

Jlr- ALLEN. It is what is known as the eight-hour t)ill. 

Mr. PLATT of Connecticut. That is not in accordance with tlie unanimous consent 

Mr. ALLEN. I desire to enter that motion at this time. 

Mr. ALDRICH. You cannot do that. , . >l. 

Mr. PLATT of. Connecticut., I object to. that. , . _ . 

Mr. ALLEN. Does the Senator frffm Rhode Island object to it? ' ■• 

Mr. ALDEICH. It is in violation of the unanimous eonsent agreement. ;, 

Mr. ALLEN. Does the Senator, from. Rhode Island object to it? 

Mr. ALDRICH. I do object. I object to anything which is contrary to the unani- 
mous eonsent agreement. 

iMr. ALLEN. Let it be noted, then, that the Senator from Rhode Island objects. 

Mr. ALDRICH. Of course it will be noted. 

"On page 7039 we find tfie following: 

Mr, PBTTIGRBW. I ask unanimous consent to have the resolution laid on the table 
and printed without reading. 

Mr. ALDRICH. What is it about? 

The PRESIDENT- pro tempore. Is there any objection? 

Mr ALDRICH.. I should like to have the resolution readfor inrormatlou 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The resolution will be read. 

The Secretary read "as follows: "Resolved, that the Committee on Education and 

Mr. ALDRICH. I object to it, anyhow. It is out of the unanimous consent agreement. 
I object to its recfeption. • 

The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Objection is made. 

This was the resolution to discharge the committee from further considera- 
tion of H. R. 6882 and H. R. 5450, and to plape these biUs on the calendar. 

As win be seen, it was objected to by Senator Aldrich of Rhode Island. 
On the next da.y, the 5th, it was regtilarly introduced, and would therefore 
become the regular order under morning business on the 6th. 

As this bill was to be called up the following day, Mr. Samuel Gompers 
wrote a very able letter addressed to, all the Senators. 

Following is the concluding portion of the letter: 

Even a casual examination of the bill will demonstrate its eminent practicability, and" ' 
Its freedom from any provision against the interests of the pebple, or the policy and- 
Interests of the Goverpnient. That the principle involved in this bill for a shorter 
workday Is. economically .and socially right and just, is not even questioned by its- 
oppoaents; that the demand for the eight-hour day is lini.'crsai among the toilers of 
the United States cannot be questioned. In the language of one of the most prominent 
citizens of our country, "the eight-hour day is ^s great a shibboleth and principle with 
the working people of the United States as is the Gospel to the devout Christian and 
the Declaration of Independence to the .patriotic American." 

What is true of the eight-hour bill is equally true of the bill to regulate prison labor. 

It 'is said that there is now not sufficient time to pass this bill at the present session 
of Congress. It Is not out of place to say that there is a grave suspicion in the mipds 
of many working people that unless the bill does pass before this session of Congress 
adjourns, that their Interests have been trifled with and their credulity imposed upon. 
There can be no question but if there is a real disposition to pass this bill it can be^ 
enacted, ample hearings and arguments having been had thereon. 

The wage-workers of America who are expecting relief will be unable to understand' 
why it is not granted when the Congress has power to do so. There can be no ques- 
tion but that the failure to grant this relief at this session of Congress will contribute 
largely to destroy the belief held by earnest, thinking, conservative workers that when 


tlielr gnevancea are intelligently preseuted to Congress they will be remedied by legisla- 
tive action. 

If this subject-matter and the bill itself had not received ample discussion, I should 
hesitate to make the suggestion I now do; that is, to favor the proposition now pending 
In the Senate, and which will be before that body for consideration tomorrow, Wednes- 
day, June 6, 1900, to discharge the Senate Committee on Education and Labor from 
further consideration of the eight-hour bill and the prison labor bill, and put them on 
their passage. 

For the above reasons, and in the name ql the workers of our country, both organ- 
ized and unorganized, I earnestly t)eseech you to work and vote to secure the passage 
of these bills. 

Very respectfully your,3. 

Prcs'dent, A. F. of ij. 

This earnest appeal was from the chosen head of a labor organization 
embracing at least a million and a liaU of skilled wage-earners. The United 
States Senate, to the members of which it was addressed, treated it with as 
little consideration as though it had come from the subjects Qf a foreign 
nation instead of being a petition on behalf of a vast body of American cit- 
izens to whom the right of petition is guaranteed by the Constitution. Of 
course this right by no means includes the right to have a petition granted, but 
the laboring men of this country and all who respect them and value their 
worth will not fail to remember that this same Senate, on the same day that 
it turned a deaf ear to tlie American Federation of Labor, abdicated its power 
to limit the price that .should be paid for armor plate and authorized a 
single executive officer to pay as high a price as the Steel Trust could per- 
suade him to agree to. 

On the 6th Mr. Petligrew moved to proceed'to the consideration of his 
resolution. Mr. Hawley, a Kepubliean, moved to lay the resolution on the 
table. Mr. Chandler of New Hampshire called the attention of the presiding 
oflBcer to the fact that it \Va« not in order to move to lay on the table a 
motion to consider a measure. The chair ruled Mr. I-Iawley's motion out ol 
order. After a considerable opposition on the part of Mr. Hawley, sup- 
ported by Mr. Lodge, Mr. Pettigrew's resolution was laid before the Sen- 
ate. It was as follows: 

Eesolved That the Committee on Education and Labor be discharged from further 
coiisldeiiiiion of H.. R.,6SS2, an act limiting the hours of a:ii!y service of iabovers and 
mechanics employed upon work done for the United States or any Territory or the Dis- 
trict of Columbip, thereby securing better products, and for other purposes, and that 
said committee be also discharged from tlie further consideration of H. E. 5i30, an act 
to limit the effect of the regulation of interstate commerce between the several Stalest 
in goods wares and merchandise whoily or in part manufactured by convict labor or 
In any prison or reformatory, and that both of said bills be placed upon thi calendar. 

"Mr. Hawley then moved to lay the resolution on the table. >^ 

"Following are the proceedings of the Senate on this motionr 

Mr. PBTTIGRBW and Mr. TELLER called for the yeas and nays, and they were 


The fec'fic-tnry then proceeded to call the roll. 

Mr BUTLER (when his name was called). I have a general pair with the Senator 
from Maryland (Mr. Wellington), but I transfer it to the Senator from Nebraska (Mr. 
Allen), and will rote. I vote "nay."- 



I hare a general pair with the Senator from 

I am paired with the junior Senator 
I have a general pair with the senior 

Mr. DiiVIS (when his name was called). 
Texas (Mr. Chilton). 

Mr. JONES Of Arkansas (when his name was called). I am paired with the Senator 
from Rhode Island (Mr. Aldrich). I should vote "nay" tt he were present. 

Mr. LODGE (when his name was Galled). I have a: general pair With the junior 
Senator from Georgia (Mr. Clay). Not seeing hirb in the Chamber, I withhold my vote. 
If he were present, I should vote "yea." 

Mr. MORGAN (when his name was called), 
from Iowa (Mr. Gear). 

Mr. PBTTOS (when his name was called). 
Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Hoar). , 

Mr. BATE (when Mr. Turley's name was called). My colleague is absent. He la 
paired, hgwcvor, with the Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. Spooner). If my colleague were 
here, he would vote "nay." 

The roll call was concluded. 

Str. DODGE. I announced my pair with the Senator from Georgia (Mr. Clay)'. I 
transfer that pair to the Senator from North Daljota (Mr. -McCumber), and will vote. 
I vote "yea.", 

Ml'. ]JT;)u;OAVS. I am paired with the senior Senator from Louisiana (Mr. Caffery).. 
I witlihold my vote. 

Sir. BACON. My colleague (Mr. Clay) has been unavoidably called to attend to some 
urgent business in one of 'theDepartments. He left under an arrangement to pair with 
the junior Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Lodge). If my colleague were present, he 
would vote "nay." 

The result was announced— yeas, 33; nays, 28; as follows: 


Allison, R. 

Hnle. R. 

Piatt, Conn., E. 

Ptewait, R. 

Baker, 11. 

Hanna, R. 

Phvtt; N. Y., E. 

Thurston, R. 

Boveridge, E. 

Iliinsbroush, R, 
Hawloy, R. 

Proctor, R. 

Vest, D. 

Chandler, R. 

Qnarles, E,, R. 

Warren, R. 

DeboB, R. 

Kean, R. 

Wetmore. R. 

Paiibanks, R. ' 

Kyle, R.I 

Soott, R. 

Woloot, E, 

]?oraker, R. 

Lodge, R. , 
McComas, R. 

Se^oll, R. 

Foster, R. 

Shoup, E. 

GaUinger, E. 

MoMilliin, R. 

Simon, E. 

Bacon. D. 

Culberson, D. 

Lindsay, D. 

Penrose, E. 

Bard, R. 

CuUom, R. 

MoBride. E. 

Pettigrew. P. 

Bate, D. 

Daniel, U. 

MoEnery, D. 

Sullivan, D. 

Berry, D. 

Harris, D. 

Mallory, D. 

Taliaferro, D. 

Butler, P. 

Heitfelrt, P. 

Mason, E. 

Teller, E- 

Carter, R. 

Jones, Nov., E. 

Money, D. 

Tillman. D. 

Clark, R. 

Kenney, D. 

Nelson, E. 

Turner, D. 


Aldrich, B. 

Davis, R. 

' McCumber, R. 

Eawling, D^ 

Allen, P. 

Depew, R. 

McLaurin', D. 


Burrows. R. 

Elkins, R. 

Martin, D. 

Turley D. 

(Jaffery, D. 

i'ryo, R. 

Morgan, D. 

WelUagton, R. 

Chilton. B. 

Gear, E. 


Clay, D. 

Hoar, E. 

Pettus. D. 


Jones, Ark., D. 

Pritohard, R. 

"So the resolution was laid on the table^ 

In this report Senator Teller of Colorado and Senator Jones of Nevada 
are incorrectly classed as Republicans. They are Silver Republicans and 
supporters of Bryan. After making these corrections, the analysis of the 
vote is as follows; 

Those voting yea voted to smother the Eight-Hour Bill in the Committee. 
Those who voted nay voted in favor of the consideration of the bill, and 
were linowa to be in favor of the bill itself.' Of the 25 not voting there 
srere eight Democrats and eight Repu'blicans who were pairedj and are 


therefore coaintea as having voted'. Four Detmocrats and five Republicans 
were absent without pairs. For the Bight-Hour Bill 28 Democrats and eight Ke- 
publicans. Against the Eight-Hour Bill 40 Republicans and. one Democrat. If 
we add to these the absentees, counting the Democrats for the bill and the 
Republicans against it, the vote would stand, for the bill 32 Democrats and 
eight Republicans, and against the bill 45 Republicans and one Democrat." 




General Stevenson and Organized Labor. 

In 1892 Republican newspapers misrepresented tbe relations existing between 
General Stevenson, then President of the McLean Coal Company, and the 
United Mine. Workers of America. Mr. John McBride, the President of the 
TIpited Mine -Workers of America, being asked; for a plain statement of the 
facts, addressed the. following letter to Frank K.. Foster, the editor of the "Bos- 
ton jEiabor Leader;" 

•Columbus, 0., Sept. 1, 1892. 
"Frank K. Foster, Esq.: 

' "bear Sir— Yours to hand,- inqniring as to the truth or falsity of the assertion 
that Gen.- A. E. Stevenson, candidate for Vice-President on the- Democratic 
■ticket, is an enemy to organized labor. 

•'The miners of Illinois are practically disorganized. Out of 30,000 miners 
arid mine laiborei's not more than 500 are members of the organization, and this 
not l^feCause of opposition by their employers, but by the apathy and careless- ; 
ness of themselves. Under these circumstances, comparison of treatment of 
employees determines whether a man is opposed to organized labor or not 
Tou may not be aware of the fact,~ but the evils of which miners in all coal- 
•producing States in the countty chiefly complain are: First, the 'pluck me' 
Store; second, the length of time bfetiveen pay days; third, the weighing of Coal 
'after screening instead of before. 

"During the last sessioii ofthe Illinois' Leglslatufe laws' were enacted giving 

""the miners relief fromi the evils complainecl of. The operaiors declared tie 

"laws uncohstitutiqiial,' and elllier sought to have their "miners "sign an agree- 

" ment waiving their right to the benefit of flie laws named, or had action taken 

and then appealed to the Sujireme Court, where test cases now are. 

"The comjpany of which lUr. Stevenson is president istheonly honorable ex- 
ception that I am aware of that refused to adopt this high-handed policy. In- 
deed, to their credit be it said, a 'pluck me' never disgraced the!ir works. T&ey 
always paid their men "in cash. Having for years voluntarily carried out the 
provisions of two laws, it did not require a great saa-iflce to carry out tlia 


thira, and this they cheerfully did. They pay their men in cash weekly. They 
have no store, and the miners' coal is weighed before screening. Thus tEey 
carry gut every law demanded by our organization. At nearly all large col- 
lieries the companies erect houses for their vrorkmen, ciiarging them in many 
cases an exorbitant rent. Mr. Stevenson erected about 200 houses, each hav- 
ing a garden plot of from half to an acre of ground. Instead of charging a high 
rental like others, he sold the houses and lots to the miniers, taking a fair rental 

in payment. The result is that 90 per cent, of his miners own their own homes. 
• « * 

"Mr. Stevenson delivered the Labor Day address at Bloomington one year 
ago, h'ls subject being ths 'Else and Progress of Labor Organizations,' and his 
workmen in one body visited him after his nomination to tender congratula- 
tions. On all evidence obtainable I would say that Mr. Stevenson Is not an 
enemy of organized labor. 
"Respectfully yours, 


This testimony from the representative of the coal miners, with whom Gen. 
Stevenson was alleged to be on bad terms, is emphasized by the cordial recep- 
tion extended him shortly after his nomination for Vice-President, of which 
the following account is taken from the news columns of the Chicago Herald: 

A Cordial Greeting. 

' "On the evening of July 11, 18S2, 300 employees of the mine operated by 
General Steyeuson and his associates formed in line at the coal sh^ft, and, 
headed by a drum corps, marched through the streets to General Stevenson's 
residence.' Crowds of workingmen and citizens joined the column. The miners 
were invited in, and after handshaking had been concluded Miner WiUiara 
Radford stepped forward, and on behalf of his fellow- workmen addressed 
General Stevenson as follows: 

" 'Mr. Stevenson— We have called upon you this evening to extend our most 
hearty congratulations for the honor so recently bestowed upon you. To be 
nominated to the office of Vice-President, the second highest position in the 
gift o6 the people, is an honor of which one may well feel proud, and as citi- 
zens of the town in which you live we are proud of the great distinction, and 
especially are we proud of the fact thit this honor has been bestowed upon one 
with whom we have been so closely allied in a business way for so many years, 

" 'It is with much gratification that we can look back over the past years 
that we have been in the employ of the McLean County Coal Company, foi- in 
air these years no pay day has ever passed that we have not been paid our 
wages in full, but few disagreements have ever arisen, and these were quickly 
and amicably settled, and we can remember no instance where you have ever 
treated us either unfairly or unkindly, and many a happy home. has been erect- 
edua the village of Stevensonville that n^v.ev would have been there except for 


the kindness and oonsideration siiown many of us both by youi"self and 
brofhers. , 

'• 'These things we havS not forgotten, and wc are here'this evening to extend 
in the warmest terms our hearty congi'it'ulatiqiis," feeling assured tliat in you 
we have a friend, one that will 'stand for riglii; and' one,_ that has a laboring, 
man's interest at heart. ^ .,..,,..,..-, ,-_, 

"'t have been asked by my fellow-raborer's'tq'.inake Ms' aclinowlWlg'm^en^^^ 
to you, and we have come this evening" for that p'urp'ose, not as a' political or- 
ganization, for we represent both of the 'great p'oUtical "parties, but as your 
friend's and co-laborers, to extend our hands and best wishes for your success 
always,' . -:.,... 

"The miners frequently applauded the sentiments expressed by their spokes- 
man. . ' 

"General Stevenson replied to this address in the'ipUowing words: 

" 'Mr. Radford and GentJemen— It has been my good fortune on more than . 
one occasion to witness manifestations of the kindly feelings entertained to- 
ward me by my neighbors and fellow townsmen, but I can say to you in per- 
fect candor that your visit to-night and your words of kindness have touched 
me more "deeply than I have ever beto touched before. 

" 'It is, indeed, gratifying to know that the most cordial relations exist Be- 
tween the officers of our company and all of those who are employed in its 
service. As has truly been said by your chairman, but few disagreements havs 
ever occurred between yourselves and the company, and these have been ami- 
cably adjusted. During the time I have been president of the company no dis- 
agreement or misunderatandiug of any kind has arisen. I was more than 
gratiaed at the remark of Mr. Radford that I had not only treated you with 
justice, but always with kindness. I have certainly aimed to do so. , 

" 'I will say cow, and those of you who have been in our employ since the 
sinking of the shaft more than twenty years ago know the statement to be cor- 
rect, that during all these years no pay day has ever passed without each 
miner and other employee being paid his wages in full. You will pardon me 
for saying in this connection that on many occasions during these years Mr. 
Scott, Mr. Graham, my brothers and myself have borrowed the money out of 
the bank that each of you might promptly receive your wages. 

" 'Mr. Radford has referred to the fact that many of you have homes of 
your own in the village of Stevensonville, paid for out of your earnings at the 
mine. It has been a source of gi'eat pleasure to my brothers and myself that 
our efforts to enable each of you to procure a comfortable home have met with 
much gratifying success. 

'■ 'The most kindly and cordial feelings should ever exist between the em- 
ployer and employees. All disagreements should be settled either by confer- 
eucp or iiy arliiiratipn. I desire to repeat what I have often said before: It 


has been my firm conviction for years that organization, loolfing solely to tlie 
bettering of tbeir condition an<J the protection of their rights, is a necessity to 
the wage earners. I will detain you, gentlemen, with but an additional sugges- 
tion. It is this: By appropriate legislation when needed, but especially by the 
management of all the industrial enterprises in this country, the hours of toil 
should be lessened. This would give to the wage earner more time for rest, 
for self-improvement, and for the enjoyment of his home and the society of his 
family. Again, gentlemen, I thank you for this visit, and I talie pleasure now 
in tendering you the hospitality of my home.' " 

Stevenson as the Labor-Day Orator. 

Tlie final and most .convincing proof of Mr. Stevenson's popularity amongst 
his employees and the workmen of his native city is the fact that he was 
unanimously chosen by the different organized bodies of Bloomington to be tBe 
orator of the day at their first celebration of "Labor Day" in 1891. His speech 
was ireplete with wise sujggestlons and approval of labor organizations aad tlielr 



In 1868 a treaty was negotiated between the United States and China in 
which It was agreed thiat the subjects of China might visit and reside in the 
United Slates as freely as the subjects of the most favored nations. We received 
no equivalent for it, American citizens being prevented from visiting or residing 
in any portions o(£ China except certain designated places, known as "treaty 
ports." Chinese immigration rapidly set in. It was a formidable invasion 
of California, amounting in two or three years to about sixty thousand. 
Eight large blocks in the heart of the "city of San Francisco were soon ex- 
clusiveiy occupied by the Chinese. , The people of the Pacific Coast were 
alarmed, for it seemed that the Golden Gate might be entered by hundreds 
of thousands of these people unless immigration could be restricted. The 
Chinese came principally from the British colony of Hongkong. They be- 
came the subject of importation by capital.. Mr. C. P. Huntington of the 
Central Pacific Railroad, in a letter to the Honorable Philetus Sawyer of Wis- 
consin, then Chairman of the Committee on Eailroads in the. House of Rep- 
resentatives, said that company hari "imported 10,000 Chinese laborers" to 
complete the railway. 

The commercial firm of Koopmanschap Brothers of San Francisco engaged 
In the importation of Chinese laborers. A Mr. Palmer advertised himself in 
Pemberton Square in Boston as the agent of these enterprisiiig gentlemen 
with whom contracts could be made for Chinese labor in quantities to suit. 
At about the same time, Jlr. Palmer contributed a philanthropic article to one 
of the magazines in which he piously affirmed his belief in the "universal' 
Fatherhood of iGod, and the universal brotherhood of man." 

Then commenced an agitation against Chinese immigration. Various bills 
were Introduced in both Houses of Congress, mainly by Representatives from 
the Pacific Coast. These 'were buffeted about with varying fortunes for more 
than a dozen years. The Pacific Coast Representatives of both parties Sup- 
ported these measures, but they were denounced in the Eastern Republican 
press as demagogues and caterers to the mob spirit. Louder became the de- 
mand from the Pacific Coast. In some cases mob violence was done to the 
Chinese. These immigTation measures had the support very generally of the 
Democrats, and yery scantily of a few RepubUcans. It was only by the un- 


tiring persererance of the Democratic party and a few Hepublicans tliat 
Cliinese Immigration was suspended in 1882 for ten years. Treaty stipula- 
tions have since been entered into which have resulted in limiting Chinese 
immigration to merchants, travelers, etc., and excluding laborers. Many, 
however, are still smuggled into the country through the lack of vigilance on 
the part of Kepublican officials. At every stage of the worlj against the 
threatening tide of Chinese immigration, the most influential portions of 
the Kepublidan party have given their influence in favor of an influx of 
Chinese laborers. Whatever they have consented to in the contrary direction 
has beeu extotted from them. 




The Republican party has always professed a great desire to "protect Amer- 
ican labor" by imposing high duties on foreign products. But the American 
laborer has never been given any share in the 'benefits of this protection. 
The American manufacturing capitaUst has been enabled to sell his goods 
at a higher price than he could if compelled to eomjiete -with foreign products. 
But the wages a£ laborers in- our manufacturing establishments have never 
been increased by a fraction of a cent a day in consequence of this protec- 
tion. On the contrary, these protected manufacturers have always employed 
whoever would work the cheapest. They have j:hemselves formed combina- 
tions with each other to extort the highest prices from the public, and pay the 
least prices for labor. "When the laborers have organized labor unions for 
their own protection, and have endeavored to compel living wages for their 
hard work, they have been antagonized by capitalists, and their right to adopt 
usual business methods in their own behalf ,has been denied by the trusts and 
monopolies. Hence the infamous war made upon the union laborers at Home- 
stead, Pennsylvania, in 1S92, by the private army of desperate characters im; 
ported into that State from Illinois by the Carnegie Steel Company. For that 
outrage the aroused hosts of American laborers punished Mr. Carnegie's Ke- 
publican backers by defeating their candidate for the Presidency. 

The well-fed monopolies, nourished into' existence by the Republican policy 
of protective, or, more correctly speaking, largely prohibitive duties on for- 
eign products, have been allowed to indulge themselves In the free importa- 
tion of foreign laborei's. Free trade in foreign labor has been as well es- 
tablished a Republican policy as protection for American capital. 

A Republican Foreign Labor Contract Law. 

In 1864 when nearly a million and a half of soldiers were withdrawn from 
the labor fields of the North to fight the battles of the Union, Congress 
passed a law containing the following provision: 

Sec. 2. And be It furtlior enacted. That all contracts tliat shall be made by emi- 
grants to the United States ,in foreign countries, in conformity to regulations that may 
be established by the said commlsslouer, whereby emlgraots shall pledge the wages pf 


tliclr labor for a term not-exceafllns twelve months, to repay the expenses of their emi- 
gration, shall be held to be valid in law, and may be enforced in the conrts of the 
United States or of the several States and Territories; and such advances, if so stipu- 
lated In the contract, and the contract be recorded in the recorder's office in the county 
where the emigrant shall settle, shall operate as a lien upon any land thereafter 
acquired by the emigrant, whether under the homestead law when the title is consum- 
mated, or on property otherwise acquired until liquidated by the emigrant; but nothiui; 
herein contained shall be deemed to authorize any contract contravening the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, or creating in any <way the relation of slavery or servitude. 
(U. S. Stats, at IJarge, Vol. 15, 18S3-'65.) 

This came so near providing for "involuiitary servitude," vrhich ^vas tlia 
polite name for slavery, tliat the last clause was inserted by way of seemiug 
to guard against it. But it will be seen that it provided for foreign labor to 
be brought here under contract, and to mortgage in advance whatever prop- 
erty the immigrant might acquire, to pay the expenses of his being brought to 
. this country. 

The excuse for this law was that the absence of so many laborers in the 
anny m'ade labor very scarce and wages unreasonably high. If this had been 
a truthful explanation the act would have been reipealed when the armies 
were disbanded in 1S65, and a million of soldiers returned to thfeir homes 
needing work for the support of themselves and their families. But this in- 
fernal contrivance for taking the bread from the mouths of American labor- 
ers, and feeding it to the foreign pauper laborers, continued on the statute 
book for twenty years after our great armies had been disbanded! It was 
not until February, 18S3, that it was repealed. The bill for its repeal was 
ptfssed by a Democratic, House of Representatives on the 19th of June, 1884. 
It took the Republican Senate nine months to finally allow it to pass that 

But the laborers of the United States have not only had to contend against 
the Republican statute of 1864, which for over twenty years authorized con- 
tract labor of foreigners, and against Chinese laborers smuggled into the 
country in violation of law, but it has been the Republican policy to alloiw 
free trade in the pauper and criminal labor of Europe. The vilest scum of 
European capitals has been dumped upon our shores by tramp steamers at 
the rate of §10 or $15 per head for passage money, which has been furnished 
by capitalists in this country, in order that they might displace our native 
and naturalized citizens who could not exist if they submitted to a further 
reduction of wages. It has been abundantly proven before investigating oomr 
luittees of (Congress that runners have been employed to visit the worst lo- 
calities m European cities to enlist these dregs of society as recruits to th« 
already overcrowded army of laborers in the United States. 

The Democratic party is the only one that has always advocated an open 
door to the oppressed of all white nations, and welcomed them to citizen- 
ship under liberal naturalization laws. But it has never included in this 
policy the Importation of contract laborers from the prisons, hospitals and 
almshouses of foreign cities. The toleration of that class of importation has 


been monpuwlizecl by the paxty which inscribes on its banner: "Protection 
to American Ijabor." • , ^'p ^1'. ,t^l,'.. 

The party of money, trusts, syndicates and monopolies, and of distrust of 
the plain people of the United States, has never been ready to yield to any 
reasonable demand of the men, who support their , wives and children by 
hard work. That party stands in fear, of hard taskmasters who never abate 
a jot of their wishes, for the fulfillment of which they pay great sums of 
money in the form o£ campaign contributions. It took twenty years, be- 
cause of Republican apposition, to repeal the infamous foreign labor contract 
law. It took fourteen years, because of Republican opposition, to secure any 
check on Chinese immigration. It took twenty-four years to secure partial 
obedience to the eight-hour law, because qf Republican opposition, and all 
attempts have Uius far failed since 1892 to honestly enforce the act of that 
year. The bill for that purpose now pending in Congress is awaiting the 
result of tbe election next November. If the Republicans carry the country, 
everybody knows that the bill will not pass. If the Democrats prevail, even 
the Republican Senate will fear longer to defy the will and refuse the rights 
of the workingmen. 

The Black List. 

■ ' By "blacklist," as applied to wage-earners, is meant a system whereby men 
are refused employment in their vocation unless they have a "clearance" from 
their last employer. 

The following statement is by Mr. W. J. Strong, of Chicago, counsellor-at- 
law, who was attorney for blacklisted railway men and secured a verdict 
against the railroads. The evidence which secured the verdict is set forth 15y 
Mr. Strong in his testimony before the Industrial Commission. A brief stale- . 
ment is set forth in the proceedings of the National Anti-Trust Conference, 

. held at Chicago in t'ebruary, 1900, from which is quoted the following: 

' It (the blacklist) denies the toiler the right to worlr when he can find an opportunity. 
The system has become thoroughly established among the steam railroads of the eoun- 
! try, and its efficiency as a m(.>ans to subjugate labor and to destroy the power of labor 
unions has been so thoroughly demonstrated by the railroads that it is now being 
adopted by many other branches of corporate industry, such as street railrpads, which 
. have formed a "national organization; the great pacliing establishments, clothing manu- 
' facturers, telegraph companies, coal mines, iron and steel mills, and even the retail dry- 
goods -and department stores; and it now threatens the liberties and the independence 
of all classes of labor; yea, it threatens the very existence of republican institutions. 

The blacklist is especially dangerous by reason of the fact that the means whereby 
organized capital effects its objects, while mote far-reaching in their efforts fur evil 
than the weapons of organized labor, work for the most part silently, and do not create 
the' local disorders which follow strikes and the boycotts of laborers. 

And It is undoubtedly for this reason that courts find it possible to give definite 
redress against boycotts and strikes, while generally similar combinatioas of capital 
escape, and the public knows nothing of them. 

It has been my fortune to be employed in the prosecution of the cases against the 
railroads for blacklisting the men who quit work during the strike of 1S94, commonly 
known as the A. E. D. strike, and while engaged in these cases I have learned the fol- 
lowing facts, which I propose to detail to you tonight so that you may know upon 
What I base my charge?. This question has passed be;rond the stage of platform agita- 


tlon and rhetorical $1101681, as the facts have been proved in courts of Justice under 
the Strict legal rules of evidence. The charge in these cases is that fhe railroads In 
the Unitea States entered into a conspiracy to prevent every man who quit worii during 
that strike from getting employment from any other road, without he first had consent 
of the railroad be last worked for prior to that strike, and that in pursuance of that 
conspiracy they agreed to give, and did give, to each other information concerning all 
their men who quit during that strike; and when it was learned by any road to which 
one of those men applied for emplgy^ent that he had qnit during the strike, he was 
denied employment unless he produced from his last employer its consent that he might 
lie euipluyiHl; this consent being commonly called among railroad men "a clearance." 

When my right to leave my employer, and get worlj elsewhere depends upon his con- 
tent, be becomes my; master and I bis slavei 


v' 1 ■■ _. i 
''I-.;' . • 'tit 5 



1 •-'■ 

A Menace to Western Civilization— China May Be the World's 
Workshop Instead of Its Market. 

If China should escape dismemberment in the fierce struggle between the 
European powers for advantages, it would be because of their dreaid of each 
other. It is such a dread that has long prevented the dismemberment of Tur- 
key, and made It the "sicli man of Europe," at whose bedside Great Britain 
and Russia alternately play the nurse. China may long liv^ as the "siel^man 
of Asia." The powers would still have their "spheres of influence," or "spheres 
of interest," as the later phrase goes in British diplomacy. In that case the 
United States might reasonably hoife that the powers would observe at least 
the ex);ernals of courtesy and fair play toward us. Then what? 

Imagine the Chinese Empird| open to friendly intercourse with all the world 
through all her ports. Imagine invested capital to be as safe there as in 
Europe or America. Yv'ould China then be a great market for the products of 
the United States, or n-riuld she teconie the great workshop to fill the rtKirkets in 
the Vnitcd States? If the Chinaman is to wear modern clothing and patent 
leather shoes and silk hats will he buy them of us or make them at home, with 
surplus enough to supply the United States^ If his daughters arft to play the 
piano, will he buy Steinways or Knabes in the United States, or will there be 
Chinese piano-makers who will supply both Cliina and the United Stat 's with 
these instruments at 40 per cent, less than the present cost? If they overcome 
their hostility to railroads, wiU they make rails from their own iron, using 
their own coal, or will they come to us for it? In brief, with labor unlimited 
In a country of foiu: humlrod millions of people unexcelled in skill and energy, 
and uncqriuloil in patience and industry, and glad to work for whatever will 
warf] off slarvation, will the Chinese come either to Europe or America for 
manufacturo'l fabrics, or will they manufacture them at home? 

A still more important question is: WUl American capital continue to employ 
American labor to manufacture fabrics for the American market, or will capi- 
tal establish gi'eat plants in China, and with. Chinese laior in its own country 
manufacture the fabrics now being manufactured in America and Europe by; 


[American and European labor? The labor of fifty millions of people can be 
had In China at whatever price will enable the manufacturers there to under- 
sell American and European fabrics. No tariff wall can be biiilt high enough 
to keep out the work of these ingenious, patient and industrious people. There 
is nothing they, cannot learn to do, and quickly, too. They cannot only weave 
our fabrics, but they can soon learn to manufacture the machinery with which 
they are woven. They will learn to make locomotives, watches and Maxim 
guns. Their imports from the United Staf;es would consist mainly of gold 
coin and such raw, material as they cannot produce or buy cheaper in other 
countries. They are g'ood traders. They .wiU never pay more for anything 
than it would cost them to make it. If all the bars are let down between us, 
and them, of laws, traditions and treaty limitations, they will never allow 
Americans or Europeans to make anything for t^etnselves iivhich can be m^de 
cheaper in China and delivered in the ports of the western countries. 

'There is vast wealth in China, and as many native shrewd business nien as 
are needed to exploit it under an open-door policy. Add to this the businesa 
ability and the financial daring of the men trained in the atmosphere of our 
trusts, and the capital they could command for use in 'China, and that ancient 
empire would ieiid the indiistrial piajcessiorioj the' world, it would be the 
world's workshop, and the western natioris now so anxious for "the open doo*," 
and so confident of being able to make Chln^ subordinate, would see western 
civilization crlpplfed' and set back indefinitely by the destruction of a vast ele- 
'ment of its middle class for the mere wahtof *ork, - 

American enei'gy, enterprise, atnbltion and .tHrif t. caii do air things that are 
possible, bnt it iS not possible to conceive of any combination that vrould save 
the industrial systems of Europe or America when brought into competition 
with a combination of the capital of the world and the cheap labor of Chinese 
on CMnese grhuTid. a 


PART EIGHT.— Miscellaneous. 



» . ' ' ' 

The apologists for the trusts claim that these excrescences upon our in- 
clustrial system have reduced prices. It is not so. From 1879-89 to 1896-97 the 
average fall in all le'ading products was 27 per cent. The f^il In trust profits 
during the same period was 28^per cent Up to that time the trusts had not 
been powerful enough to maintain better prices for their products than the 
average prices for other products. But sioce 1896-97 the rise in prices of all 
prdducts has been 23 per cent, while during the same period the rise in the 
prices of trust products has been 40 per cent. 

The prices of trust products have risen to the average of 1879-89. while the 
farm products are 14 per cent below that level. 

And so it is that while the products of the trusts will purchase In exchange 
as much of all other' products as they would from 1879 to 1889, farm products 
will only purchase five-sixths as much as they would during those years. 
The following statement is going the rounds of the press unchallenged. _ It 
compares the purchasing value of agricultural products with the selling 
value of tru". products: 

It requires 50 per cent, more wheat to buy a stove than It did In 1896. 
It requires twenty bushels more corn to buy a wagon than it did in 1886. 
It requires twenty bushels more corn to buy a copper kettle than In 189€^ 
It requires twice as much corn to buy a coil of rope as it did in 189& 
It requires 40 per cent, more grain to buy a plow than in 1896. 
It requires 75 per cent- more grain to buy a hoe, a rake, or a shovel than inlSSS. 
A set of common wheels that cost $7 in 1896 now cost $12. 

The price of cultivators and other farm implements has gone np proportionately. 
Galvanized barbed wire costs from $4 to $4.50 per hundred more than in 1896. 
It requires 40 per cent, more corn or cotton to buy a pound of sugar than in 1896. 
You have to pay 40 per cent, more for glass than in 1896. 

Freight rates have climbed back to the exorbitant prices which caused a. popular- 
I revolt la legislation a few years ago. 

The price of oil, coal, lumber, tools and hardware has gone up from 40 to 100 per cent. 
And all these things have been done by the trusts. 

The plain lesson to be drawn from this is that prices rise healthily when 
the rise is caused by an Increase in the volume of money. When tliat Is the 


case, the average of prices will Increase just as much for the farmer as 
for the manipulators of large capital; but when prices increase because com- 
modities have come under the control of trust monopolists, which can extort 
whatever price the people will pay rather than go without the products, 
then it will be found that honest business interests in which the competi- 
tion is still preserved are at the mercy of trusts which deal in whatever the 
former must buy. To illustrate, if all prices would rise because of an Increase 
In the volume of money, AmerSean capital would not be invested in United 
States 2 per cent, bonds, or In British 3 per cent bonds, even at the recent 
discount of 2 per cent. On the conti'ary, it would seek investment in nu- 
merous enterprises^ much more profitable than present mdney-lendlng, and 
which would not only give fair returns on the capital invented, but; would 
famish labor for those who are now unemployed during, a Jarge portion of 
the year. This would increase the manufacturers' gains, wo;uld increase the 
army of laborers, and would Increase the laborer's pair.' Consumption of 
products would be increased with the increase of the army of labor, because 
the wants of millions that ■axe now unsatisfied could then' be supplied, ^ere 
would neither be over-production nor under-conSiimpBoii/ - But this cannot 
be while the trusts continue to monopolize every avenue of trade, stifling all 
competition and driving four-fifths of our business men but df business. 
Daring the administration of William McKinley ihore trusts have been ori 
gaoized than had been organized during the entlrer 'dentury preceding/ tVith 
his re-election these monstrous aggregations of wealth ^uW' c'omplelt' tJio 
conquest of this country. We have seen a 'Congress its well as a Picsuinu 
absolutely controlled by/them. They are plunging the country into a ehitc- 
of imperialism and of foreign conquest which is only made possibiu Ly ilij 
accompanying instrumentality of militarism. 


"^ i"^*'' i ''■K'/)^ 1 


There le mnei ■windy talk about making the United States a "world 
power." The Reptiblican leaders encourage Republican writers and speak- 
ers to endta-riJi'^'to 'creatfe a national appetite for conquest. We are invited to 
place ourselves under the tutelage of Great Britain and corbmence the prac- 
tice of tlie seiztire of small countries and their people, and the erection 
therein of coloirfal'feoVerhments where -our trust magnates can possess them- 
selves of more w-eaith''i&d where their proteges may thrive u]3on colonial 
offices. All this, of course; ihirolves the construction of a navy which can, if ' 
need be, cope witia ah^r or all the combined navies of the world. -There used 
to Be a slang proverb whidii said: "There is no use being a fellow at all, if 
you cannot be i.' h— I'ef a fellow." Ttiis is ucrw the spirit of Republican teach- 
ings. If we cannot have a navy stronger than Great Britain she may take 
away from ufe^whafeVer We may biiptnre from others. It 'is therefore of no 
use to be a "world power" unless we can be the strongest "world power." 

But a great army is more to be dreaded than a great navy. Both have 
to b6 vsupported by those who work with their hands. L/abor finally pays 
all bills. Whatever is paid for by the others is finally extorted from the 
workingmen. But a navy cannot go into our citles'and shoot dovra working-J 
men at the bidding of trusts and monopolists. The Republican leaders are 
earnestly determined to increase our standing army. Despite the frequent re- 
ports otf fighting in the Philippines vfe are told that peace has there been re- 
Stored, and that we only require an army to preserve that peace. Although 
th^re are now less than 70,000 soldiers there, no one doubts the desire of the 
administration to increase it to 100,000. Each soldier costs $1,000 a year. 
The Philippines are therefore now costing us in money §70,000,000 a year, 
and are expected to cost $100,000,000 a year. The troubles in China have 
required a diversion of some of the army to that country for the protection 
cf our people, and we read inthe papers that the President has decided that 
our troops now there shall remain. How many more will be sent is a matter 
of conjecture,' and, indeed, must largely depend upon- circumstances. What- 
ever the exigency may require must of course be done; but the great question 
in which the American people are interested Is whether future necessities for 
the military service sliall be met by an iiiciease of the regular aimy, or the call- 




ing out of volunteers. We had two and a. half millions of volunteer soldiers dur- 
ing the civil war. At its close there were more than a million soldiers in the 
■fleia. In a few months they vanished as bubbles vanish from the surface of 
water. Our great War Secretary, Stanton, told the people not to be dis- 
turtjed by this dlsbandment of a great army, for, he said, the Southern peo- 
ple had acquiesced in the result, and that, if for any reason troops should be 
needed, they could always be taken from the ranks of the people li;i numbers 
enough and speedily enough to meet any exige^jcy that could possibly arise. 
Stanton had been a Democrat of the Jaclison school. His experience on the sub- 
ject of massing the military power of the nation was greater than that of 
any other man then living, and of course none tfan claim greater wisdom 
from any experience had since. 

In 1877 during the great railroad strilies in Pennsylvania, , a jpsin in charge 
of great business interests, and himself a man of great wedi|th,^rem'arked to 
the wi-iter: "We ougl(t to double the standing array) so that , we can shoot 
these darrined rascals down." It was a startling illustration of the, fierce 
•spirit which animated this man and must necessarily govern many Others. 

We all know tlfat government is force, but only as a last resort. Law and 
order must be maintained in. a republic as well as in any other foi-m of gov- 
ernment. But it will be a sorry day for this country, If ever a party in 
power shall undertake to use' the standing army to shoot flown citizens while 
exercising their right to discuss with each other the wages for which they 
will work, or wtiile exercising their constitutional riglit ]to peaceably assemble 
and petition for a redress of grievances. . ,,j, 

Militarism is the refuge of a tyranny which fears the resentment of those 
it oppresses. The American people will not submit to militarism, nor be 
awed into submission to arbitrary power in matjers which concern them. The 
workingmen who are fortunate enough to own their own homes in this 
country, and those who lease and pay the rent for their homes, constitute 
the physical force of the nation. They can be relied upon to maintain law 
and order in States, and cities. The only danger to this country comes not 
from them, but from those who propose a standing army, ostensibly to be used 
abroad, but really to be available at home if at any time its use could be 
Eiade serviceable to the small privileged class which, with ^ no attempt ^t 
concealment, controls the present administration of iihis government. 
'iMen of large property and legitimate business Interests should ponder 
upon these things. Every careful business man in this country, of ordinary 
intelligence, must regard this administration as he would a runaway team In 
which the lives of his children are at stake. The schemes of those who control 
the President are not such as make for the peace or the prosperity of the 
country. The prevailing disregard for the restraints of the Oonstitution, and 
for the precedents established by the courts, relate at present only to new 
possessions; but if they go unchecked by the conservative elements of the 
country, no man cail predict how soon a like disregard of law and 
precedent may govern the administration of laws at home. There 



* . ■ ' 

pan bo no good pui-pose In the rresemt desire of the ptfwefs that be to 

take advantage of passing events for . fastening upon this republic a great 
standing army. It is not, and it cannot come to good. It is a wild and de- 
Etructive policy. Some can make money by selling them supplies, and others 
by furnishing transportation, but a great standing army is, like a deadly 
cancer, a progressive disease. Of course the people can fight for their liber- 
ties, as did their fathers, if any success shall attend the efforts of those vrho 
are tired of the Constitution and republican institutions. But much the easier 
and leks expensive way is to sPpply prevention at the outset Mr. Burke said 
of the American colonists: "These, men all have some small smattering of the 
law and scent the approach of tyranny in the tainted breeze." May the sons 
of those, sires be found equally apprehensive and jealous of their rights. 

The supreme test will be made in November when every voter must -de- 
clare for Imperialism and Militarism or for the preservation of the Kepublic 
by the maintieiiance of the Constitution. 





How Republican Administrations Use the Pension .Office as 

a Political Machine— The Money Power Dictates the 

Administration's Policy— What bemocracy 

Has, Done for the Soldier. 

In every political campaign since the close qf tlie Civil War the Republican 
party has vociferously prqclaimed itself as the special friend and champibn of 
the Union soldier. Its orators, its newspapers and Its literature poured out tBe 
vials of their wrath upon the Democratic party, denouncing it as hostile to the 
pension system and unfriendly to the Nation's defenders. 
. The Republican platform of 1896 held out a solemn 'promise of "fair treat- 
ment" and "generous recognition" to the veterans of the War of the Rebellion, 
but that pledge to the soldier was as delusive as the Reiiublican promise of 
bimetallism to the country.- 

It Has ever been a principle with the Democratic party that as the pension 
laws were enacted in a spirit of liberality they should be construed, not as 
penal statutes, but in the same generous spirit that Iwought them into being. 
When a Democratic Commissioner of Pensions once appeared to have lost 
sigBt of this idea, a Democratic Congress rebuked him by the passage of an act 
declaring a pension to be a "vested right," and forbidding the withholding or 
suspension of any pension unless after due notice and proper hearing. 

Under the present Administration so narrow has been the policy of the Peu- 
Sion Bureau that the veterans of the Civil War have on many occasions voiced 
their dissatisfaction in no uncertain tones. Tetitions without number have 
been sent to the President from Grand Army posts all over the country, plead- 
ing for a change in the pension policy and even urging the removaT'of the 
Commiss!ioner from oSice. Committees from National Encampments of the 
Grand Army have waited on the President presenting the same requests. To 
all these entreaties the President paid but scant attention, and the reason is in 
all probability not far to seek, He could not well reverse a policy he himself 
had outlined, nor remove from office a Commissioner of Pensions who was 
faithfully carrying- out his instructions. 


Commander-in-Cliief Shaw, of the G. A. R., some time ago, keenly alive to 
the dissatisfaction of his comrades with the condupt of the Pension Otiii.e, 
even appealed to the Chairman of the Republican National Committee, tii^- 
redoubtable Marcus A. Hanna, in the hope that his all-powerful Influence could, 
be secured to inaugurate an era of greater liberality. "By firing at the Pen- 
sion Commissioner?' the Commander-in-Chief said, "we have have found we 
aimed at the v^rong target. He is only doing as he has been ordered by T\\^-, 

Notwithstanding the widespread discontent among the old soldiers because 
of the' Administration's illiberal'ityj the National Republican Oommitfee has 
issued a document, entitled "Plain Facts About Pensions," in which an at- 
tempt is made to prove that tlie liberality of the party now in power surpasses 
the record of previojjs Administrations. The pamphlet^ however, will neither 
deceive the survivora of the Civil War nor change their conviction that they 
have been deceived by the party that professes so much solicitude for them. 
, An appropriate name for this document would be, "How the Republican Man- 
agers Deceive the Soldier," for it is remarliable because of its false pretenses 
and the trutli it suppresses. It sets forth the pension expenditures as far back 
as President Grant's first term, and presents a bewildering array of figures 
to delude the unwary. There is no mention in it, however, of the face that 
the first Democratic Administration since the Civil War (1885-1S89) issued on 
an average 16,000 more pension certificates per ,year than any preceding Ad- 
ministration. The records show that its allowances of pension averaged 48,000 . 
per year, while the> best four years of previo'us Republican rule could exhibit 
but S2.0CiO. 

The Republican pamphlet makes no mention of thejfact that Corporal Tan- 
ner, President Harrison's first Commissioner of Pensions, with Harrison's 
injunction, "not to weigh pensions in' an apothecary's scales," fresh in his 
mind, was removed from office by a Republican President for honestly carry- 
ing out the promises made by his. party in its platform and by its speakers on 
the stumi). 

You will find no note'of the administration of Corporal Tanner's Republican 
successor nor of the fact that its unique performances largely brought about 
the defeat of President Harrison in 1892. That was the regime in which the, 
Commissioner's subordinates bartered and sold the petty offices in the bureau 
and in which a few singularly favored attorneys amassed quick fortunes from 
the spiooth workings of a "completed files" device set in operation for their 
especial benefit. 

Republican managers dai-e not tell that the Pension Office has been used in 
many of their campaigns as a political machine to scatter pensions broadcast 
in dpubtful States, not for love of the soldier, but for the base purpose of secur- 
ing his vote. In the Gai-fleld campaign, for instance, the entire examining and 

rENSIONS. 33} 

reviewing forces of tlie Pension OfiiceVere put to Work in grinding out allow- 
ances for Ohio, Indiana and New'Yorlt, while the claims of veterans and their 
dependents from other "sections of the country were pigeon-holed and thou- 
sands of Worthy applicants had to suffer and wait until after the election. It 
has'been for.years a favorite tricli with I^epublican Administrations to Is^ue 
numerous pension certificates just before a national election, and to "hold up" 
notices of rejection until af terwai-ds, but of course the pamphlet in question ia 
silent about these things. 

It quotes Commissioner Evans' report f(k 1898, and attempts to prove from it 
that the' present Administration is liberal beyond compare, and that rejections 
were but 48 per cent, of the adjudications— fewer than under previous Admis- 
istrations. In the fiscal year of 1809, however, the rejections were far in es. 
cess of the allowances; in fact, they were &5 per cent, of the entire adjudica- 
tions. On vpage 18 of Commissioner Evans' report for 1899 occurs this para- 
graph: "There were rejected of all classes 107,919, and there were admitted of 
all classes 85,845, making a total of 193,764 claims adjudicated." 

In fhat year, in all probability a fairer index of this Administration's work 
than 1898, the rejections outnumbered the allowances by 22,074. But Repub- 
lican managers are adepts in the arts of deceit, and it is no new thing toe 
them to juggle with figures or to tamper with the records. 

Since the advent of the present Administration the integrity of the entire, 
pension roll has been questioned. The burden of official interviews and of in- 
spired newspaper articles in Administration papers has been fraud! fraud! 
' fraud! until there has' sprung up a belief that the pension list is a huge. 
Edifice built of ^lerjury and deceit. 

To show the fallacy of this idea. It is only necessary to refer to the report 
of the Attorney-General of the United States, from which it wUl be seen that 
offenses against the pension laws are relatively so few as to make the 'Tiowl" 
about fraudulent pensions seem ridiculous. 

Here is a statement compiled from the report of the Attorney-General ■ for; 
1899 (pages 72-74). 

ENDING JUNE 30, 1899, 

Customs 216 ' 

Internal revenue ^: 6,544 

PostflfBce 1>206 

Pensions » ■.•■ .• < • • 214 

Convictions— « 

Customs • • • 136 

Internal revenue 4,021* 

Postoffice -^'* .770 

^ pensions *-. ..r..,.:.i>^i.,.i...ii.»;.K«.x._<:«;\«..«:«:.;«--«>;.«i«:tJi5«!!iai« "U^ 


The total number of cases terminaled during the year was 17,941, and of 
this large number but 109 were for offenses against the pension laws. 

And' the fact iuust b^ borne in mind that the majority of these, offenders 
were persons instrumental in the prosecution of claims, imposters representing 
themeslves as Government officials, notaries public who illegally executed^en- 
sion papers, justices of the peace who were guilty of post-dating vouchers, 
and impersonatoi's of soldiers and their Widows, together with guardians who 
embefzzled funds entrusted to their keeping. 

Buf very, very few of them were either soldiers or widows of soldiers. It is 
remarkable, considering the magnitude of the expenditures for pensions, that 
there are so few cheats and scoundrels preying upon the bounty of the Gov- 
ernment. Those who violate the law should be relentlessly hunted down and 
rigorously punished, as was the custom of Democratic officials without much 
"blowing of horhs," but let it be said to the credit of our common humanity 
that fhe men who saved this Nation have not engaged in a vile conspiracy to 
pollute its pension roll. 

Small wonder that the Civil War veterans have becctfne rebellious against 
the "powers that be," and small wonder is it that they have become restive 
under unjust suspicion. 

So incensed were the members of the G. A. R. at the rejection of worthy 
claims by the failure of the Pension Office to aggregate existing disabilities 
in establishing the rates and determining a soldier's right to pension under 
the act of June 27, 1890, that^a special committee of its most distinguished mem- 
bers secured the passage of an act of Congress on the 9th of May, 1900, whic^ 
they thought would compel that office to "consider each and every infirmity" 
In adjudicating claims. Though the act provided that "the aggregate of the 
disabilities" should be rated, to comply with the demands of the Grand Army, 
the members of that organization now find that the law seems to have no 
binding force,. and that after all their labors with Congressional committees 
they are the victims of that disreputable game known as "bunco." , ' '■ • 

When the G. A. R. committee of five, consisting of R. B. Brown, of Ohio, 
Chairman; John W. Burst, of Illinois; John Palmer,,- of New York; C. 0. 
Adams, of Massachusetts, and H. B. Case, of Tennessee, waited .upon Presi- 
dent McKinley on the morning of September 4, 1899, they represented to him 
the injustice under which their comrades were suffering, and told him that 
they feared that the tide of condemnation had set In so strongly against the 
Commissioner of Pensions that it could not be stemmed at the Philadelpliia 
Encampment. In his reply the President gave the committee to understand 
that he would sustain the Comn^issioner, no matter how strongly the encamp- 
ment might condemn him, and he followed this with this astounding declarai 
tion: "There is no use denying the fae', gentlemen, that the money power of the 
eouniry is against any further expansion of the pension roll." The amaze- 
ment and discomfiture of the committee was ?o complete' that they qufckliy 

PENSIONai [835 

,wltb"drew from the Presidential presence. That same erenlng the New York 
member of the delegation, in his indignation, quoted the President's remark to 
several friends in Washington, and to a nuober of others at the Continental 
Hotel in Philadelphia on the following day, when the encampment was io 

The story was related by the editor of a Washington paper devoted to fBa 
Interests of the Civil War veterans, a soldier of distinction, a Republican in 
politics and a man of undoubted reliability. ^ 

In a letter recently received in Washington from a Republican ei-soldler, a 
former resident of Washington, but now living in the State of Pennsylvania, 
the same story was repeated, and the writer states that he received his in- 
formation from the same member of the delegation. , / 

"The money power." How does jt strike the men who left homes and fire" 
sides and staked their all for the perpetuity of the Governments How does 
the President's declaration sound to the American citizen who loves his conU' 
try and respects its laws? What will be thought of the statement by the 
young man just coming into manhood and the privileges of American citizen- 
8hlp? • 

Let us turn to the statutes and see what the Democratic party has done since 
the Civil War to show its gratitude to the Nation's defenders. Here are some 
Democratic contributions to the pension system, which were either approved by 
a Democtatlc President or passed by a Democratic House of Representatives, 

The act of 'August 15, 1876, providing for the issuance of artlflcial limbs or 
commutation therefor, and for the tra:n6portation of those who are compelled 
to travel to the place where the litabs can be properly fitted. 

The act of February 28, 18T7, increasing the pensions of soldiers who lost 
both an arm and a leg. 

The act of March 9, 1878, granting pensions on account of the War of 1812. 

The act of June 17, 1878, increasing to $72 per month the pension of thoser 
who lost both hands, both feet, or the sight of both eyes In the service. 

The act of June 16, 1880, giving $72 per month to all those who became' 
totally helpfess from any cause incident to the service. 

The act of June 31, 1879, increasing to $37.50 all pensions on account of am- 
putation at the hip-joint 

The acts of January 25 and March 3, 1879, granting arrears of pensions from 
the date of discharge to over 225,000 pensioners. 

The act of February 26, 1881, tot the protection of inmates of soldiers' homes. 

The act of April 18, 1884, making it a felony for any pei-son to falsely and 
frauflulently represent himself to be an officer of the United States. 

The act of March 19, 1886, increasing from $8 to $12 per month the pensions 
of nearly 80,000 dependent relatives as well as thousands since pensioned. 

Tfle act of May 17, 1886, amending the War Department records and grant- 
ing certificates of honorable discharge in many cases. 


Tlieact of August 4, 1888, "which increased the tensions of over 10,000 crip- 
pled, armless and legless veterans. 

The act of January 29, 188T, benefiting about 30,000 survivors and widows 
of tBe Mexican War. 

The act of January 3, 188t, for the relief of the survivors of the exploring 
steamef Jeannette and the widows and children of those who perished in tfia 
retreat from the wreck of that vessel in the Arctic Seas. 

The act of January 29, 1887, for the relief of the sufferers by the wreclt of 
the United States steamer Ashudot. 

The act of June 7, 1888, granting arrears of pensions to widows from the 
date' of husband's death. ' 

The act of August 27, 1888, increasing pensions to $30 per month in cases of 
total deafness and a proportionate rate for lesser degrees of that afiSiction. 

The act of February 12, 1889, increasing the pension of those who lost both 
hands In the service and line of duty from $72 to $100 per month. 

The act of July ,14, 1892, establishing the r^te of $50 *or those who require 
frequent and periodical, though not constant, aid and attendance; 

The act of August 5, 1892, granting pensions to army nurses. 

The act of December 21, 1893, which made a pension a vested right to the 
extent that it should not be withheld or suspended unless after flue notice and 
proper hearing. 

The act of March 2, 1895, which abolished the rates of $2 and ,$4 and fixed 
the lowest rate of pension at $6 per month. 

Here is the Dempci'atic record on the pension question, and in the light of 
Its revelation what becomes of the pretension that the interests of the Union 
soldier ).-equire the continuance of the Eepublican party in powet? The Demo- 
cratic party is entirely willing to submit this record to the American soldier 
and to the American people. It has been mindful of the heroic men wto 
fought for the preservation of the Union and the honor of the flag. It Baa 
dealt fairly and Justly by them and by their dependents. It has administered 
the pension laws honestly, construed them liberally, and it has Sou^t to main* 
tain the pension list as a "roll of honor." 




The Republican platform of 189Q contaiiied the following declaration con- 
ceming reciprocity: 

' "We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements negotiated by the last 
Republican Admihistration was a national calamity, and we demand their 
renewal and extension on such terms as will equalize our trade with foreign 
natioins, remove the restrictions which now obstruct the sale of American 
products in the ports of other countries, and secure enlarged markets fo^r the 
products of our farms, forests and factories. 

"Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of Republican policy, andgo 
hand In hand. Democratic rule has recklessly st;ruc]i down both, and both 
must be re-established. Protection for what we produce; free admission for 
the necessaries of life which we do not produce; reciprocal agreements of mu- 
tual interests which' gain open markets for us in return for our open markets 
to others. Protection builds up domestic industry and trade, and secures our 
own market for ourselves; reciprocity builds up foreign trade, and finds an 
outlet for our surplus." 

Following this, Mr. McKinley said in his letter of acceptance: 

"Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of a true American policy, 
and should again command the earnest encouragement of the Government at 

In his inaugural address he said on this subject: 

"In the revision of the tariff especial attention should be given to the re- 
enactment and extension of the reciprocity principle of the law of 1890, under 
which so great a stimulus was given to our foreign trade in new and advan- 
tageous markets for pur surplus agricultural and, manufactured products. The 
brief trial given this legislation amply justifies a further experiment and addi- 
tional discretionary pc^wer in the making of commercial ti-eaties, the end in 
View always to be the opening up of new markets for the products of our coun- 
trv bv o-ranting concessions to the products 0^ other lands tlj^t we need anij 


cannot produce ourselves, and which do not involve any loss of labor to our 
own people, but tend to, increase their employment." 

TS'e Dingley Tariff Act, passed at that session, and approved by him July 
24, 1S97, contained provisions for reciprocity, agreements and treaties with 
foreign nations. I 

Pursuant to this act several unimportant commercial reciprocity agreements 
not requiring ratification by the Senate were entered into under section three. 
Later on and pursuant to section four reciprocity treaties were negotiated by 
the President, through the State Department, with France, the Argentine Re- 
public, and with Great Britain as to the British West Indies. These negotia* 
tions were conducted by Hon. John A. Kasson, Special Commissioner aP" 
pointed for the purpose in the State Department. It soon became evident that 
the enthusiasm of the Republican leaders for reciprocity and the opening of 
foreign markets for the surplus products of the United States had for fBe 
most part passed away when it had accomplished its purpose of securing votes 
for the Republican candidates. It was now seen that the general benefit 
clashed w;ith a few sniall protected Interests. In one State the manufactureta 
of mock jewelry succeeded in enlisting the Senators against the treaty. In 
another State some insignificant element used in the manufacture of hats had 
Btirredup the few hatters who induced the Senators to hold back on the 
treaty. In New York the glove-makers made their opposition feJt It was 
clearly demonstra:ted from figures drawn from the Statistics of oar own im- 
ports and exports that the treaty with France would open the markets of that 
coimtry to numerous comnaodities now excluded by the high rates of tariff. 
The tariff law of France provides a maximum and a minimum doty on nearly 
oil imports, and the Executive Department is authorized to apply either ot 
jthese rates. The treaty with that nation placed all but a yery few articles of 
[American production permanently at the mfnimam rate of duty. The conees- 
Bions made upon duties on French goods imported into this country were small 
Compared with those obtained upon United States goods imported into France. 
Mr. Kasson, at the request of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, 
made elaborate explanations of what he had accomplished. The State Depart- 
ment appeared to manifest a strong desire to see the treaty ratified. Delega- 
jtions from different parts of the country representing manufacturing Intereshi 
appeared in Washington, and in some cases were heard before the committee. 
They visited the President and complimented him upon the wisdom and tact 
shown in the negotiations of this treaty. He assured them of his earnest wifiS 
to see it ratified. The Committee on Foreign Relations repocted fayorably 
upon it. 

Later developments showed that the President was not BuffldenOy In favor 
of Ms own treaty to render the slightest aid in favor of Its ratification- Jtn 
tamest word ot look from him to tbose who .were so ready to resgond to id« 


. Blightest wish', as shown by their support at other measures, would have given 
the treaty the requisite two-thirds vote. The Democratic Senators were Icnown 
to be substantially a unit in favor of it. The pledges of the Presid^t and Uis 
party for reciprocity; were ruthlessly broken. 



IBy Charles B. Spahr, Ph. D., Author of "Dlstributlou of Wealth."] 
Onr Republic began itk career with the ownership of property widely and 
well distributed. lufact, the chief reason why we became a Republic was 
because the economic independence of the mass of the citizens gave them poli- 
tical independence and enabled them to demand a Government in which the" 
masses were cofisulted, instead of accepting one conducted only by the wealthy 
'classes; Benjamin Franlilin, in contrasting American with British conditions 
just before the Revolution, wrote: "I have lately made a tour through Ireland 
and Scotland. In. those countries a small part of the colony are landlords, 
great noblemen and gentlemen, extremely opulent, living in the highest af- 
fluence and magnificence. The bulk of the people are tenants, extremely poor, 
living in the most sordid wretchedness, in dirty hovels of mud and straw, and 
clothed only in rags. I thought often of the happiness of New England, whera 
every man is a freeholder, has a vote in public affairs, lives in a tidy, warm 
house, has plenty of good food and fuel, with whole clothes from head to foot, 
th^ manufacture perhaps of his own family." 

Such were the economic conditions with which our R^ublic started. They 
did not exist througliout the South, but even there the concentration of wealth, 
■which came later through the institution of slavery, was not at first so glar- 
ingly matlsed. The people of the South, as Fiske points out, almost as much 
a's fbe people of Nfew England, came not from the Courtier but from the Puri- 
tan elements of English society. These Puritan elements were composed al- 
most entirely of small farmers and tradesmen and the better class of mechan- 
ics. There were almost no rich inen among them, and relatively few depend- 
ent poor. When they went to the South a large part of them— especially in 
Western Virginia, the Western Carolinas and the frontiers beyond— becama 
sniall farmei's, and knew nothing of slave labor. Even where slave labor was 
employed it was not to any great degree profitable during the colonial period. 
The great Virginians, Jefferson, Washington and Mason, hoped for the early 
abolition of slavery, and had it not been for the invention of the cotton gin, 
slavery, because unprofitable, might have been abolished in the Soutli just'a? 
It was in the North. It was not iintil'the invention of the cotton 'gin and t]i« 



subsequent development of the cotton industry doubled and quadrupled the 
value of slaves that the concentration of Wealth at the South became marked. 
In that section, however, the concentration Increased until the OivU War, foi 
the presence of slaves put such a stigma upon labor and the presence of richea 
gave such an Impetus to luxury that 'it became difficult for the poor to rise. 
In the North no such influences were at work, and the wide and relatively even 
distribution of wealth continued unii] the CivU War. In 1850 the National 
Census investigated the ownership real estate in certain counties in seven 
different States. The counties selected in the slave States had 60,000 f amiliesj 
those selected In the free States had but 20,000 families. Yet in the free 
States there were more property owners than In the slave SUtes. Almost 
three-fourths of the families in the northern counties owned real estate, while 
in the counties in the south barely. One-fourth owned any. In the North, how- 
ever, only two property owners out of 12,000 dwned mcM-e than $50,000 worth 
of real estate. In the. South, among a smaller number of property owners were 
a hundred times as many great estates. The aristocracy of this country was 
practically confined to the South. If we except a few large cities in the North, 
where a certain degree'of concentration of wealth existed, it may be said that 
only where slavery existed was wealth concentrated. ^ ., 

Counties in— 


Free statei... 
Slave states.. 




f 5,000 to 


$50,000 and , 
over. I * 






Tlie wafoverthrew sla,very, and in the visions of the men who fought against 
that institution the country seemed assm-ed of the permanence everywhere of 
that republican equality upon which ,our Institutions were founded. In the 
South the overthrow of ,slavery did bring about the result anticipated. Tha 
people of the South who had formed the aristocracy and had cultivated thou- 
sands of acres by means 6f the labor of their slaves were forced either to^Iabor 
themselves or to sell their great estates to others. In the course of a genera- 
tion the great estates have been broken up, and among the white people of 
the South the distribution of wealth is as wide and as even as it is in the rural 
districts of the North. The section which before the Civil War represented 
the aristocracy of the nation is now dominated by hard-working farmers whose 
sympathies instinctively are with the middle classes which fprmerly ruled tlie 


While this change for the better has ^aken place in the South, and the sec- 
tion which represented aristocracy now represents democracy, a change for 
the worse has taken place in the North. The slaves emancipated by the CivU 
War were .worth in round numbers $2,000,000,000. The bonds issued to eman- 



cipate them aggregated nearly $3,000,000,000. The wealth Of the Southern 
plut(jcracy. which was destroyed was less than the wealth of the Northern 
plutocracy wMch was created. The l)onds were not at first worth $3,000,000,-i. 
000, for they had as^ rule been paid for in depreciated paper, and, were pay- 
able in the same currency. The influence of the bondholders, however, secured 
first the passage of credit-strengthening acts, by which tl)e bonds should be, 
paid in- coin, and the saine influences a little later secured the demonetiaatloii 
of silver,, so that the bonds which before had been payable in coin bow had to, 
be paid in gold. As all of this legislation affected private debts as well as 
public, the new plutocracy of bondholders in the North became far richer thao 
the old, plutocracy of slave-holders had ever been. 

Similar influences are at work in other lines. During the Civil War, while 
the mass of the people were patriotically submitting to any and every tax in 
order that the Uniop might be preserved, the wealthy classes influenced tariff 
legislation and internal-revenue tftxes, ao that they, instead of being burdened 
by taxation, were enriched by it. A tax was placed upon whisty, most justly, 
and was- raised from time to time as the needs of the" country for increased 
revenue feecame greater. But the financiers wio framed these taxes never 
ma'de the increased rate apply to the whisky already distilled, and often gave 
the distillers weeks and toonths in which to accumulate larger stocks on which 
no fax need be paid, but which afterwards could be sold to the public at tEa 
same rate as taxed whisky. In the shaping of the tariff acts similar pressure 
was yielded to, and the pressure always came fram the richest and most influ- 
ential classes. Those best able to pay taxes, not only were exempted from any 
share in their payment, but became the recipients of taxes levied Upon the 
necessities and comforts of the common people. When the war ended, apiteala 
to the passions and prejudices which it had created were for years used as an 
answer to, the representatives of the farmers or workingmen, who protetsed 
against these actions; for by this tin^e the wealthy classes at the North— who 
until after the election of Lincoln stood with the wealthy classes of the South 
in defense of slavery and in opposition to Fremont and Lincoln— now joined 
the party which they had fought, and rapidly advanced to a controlling posl" 
tion in shaping its policies. 

A tHird influence has operated in the same direction of concentrating wealtfi. 
This is the influence of the railroads. Prior to the Civil War the railroads 
had been relatively unimportant. By 1870 they had assumed almost a domi' 
nant position in our Industrial economy. As population grew denser and 
transportation upon thetn increased, railroads which at first had earned Pot 
modest dividends upon capital actnajly Invested came to earn dividends so 
excessive that to shield themselves from reductions of rates which the publii; 
would have demanded they had recourse to the Issuance of watered stocka 
and bonds until to-day, by the admission of Poor's Railway Manual and othe« 
representatives of railway interestSj one-half of the capitalization of American 


railways represents nothing but capitalized extortion, better Known as "wa- 
\er." Tlie ownere of these railways, lilse the owners of the protected manu- 
factories, and the owners of the bonds, lived in ttie cities, and the railway 
policy pursued not only gave "unjust enrichment to a small class in the cities 
at the expense of all the rest of the country, but particularly injured the rural 
.^sti-icts. Transportation rates were fixed, not according to the cost of the serv- 
ice rendered, as It is in every competitive business, but on the principle of 
"charging all that the traffic will bear." As a result the farming districts and 
the small towns, which are served by only one railroad, have been made to 
pay far more than the cities which are served by two or more roads which fear 
each other's competition, no matter what secret agreement may exist between 
the managers. ;By reason at the heavier charges imposed on these rural dis- 
tricts and small tovp'ns, business and population have been forced Into the 
cities, where from the fir-st wealth has been unevenly distributed. Thus 
through a third factor the cities liave become the seats of a new plutocracy 
more powerful than that which the Civil War overthrew. 

In 1870, despite the fact that some of these adverse forces had been at woifls 
for several yeare, the farms of this country, cbntainin'g but Ifftle more than 
40 per cent, of the people, contained exactly 40 per cent, of The tangible wealtli. 
In the census of 1890 the farms of the cduatry, containing exactly 40 per cent, 
of the population, contained only, 25 per cent, of the tangible wealth. 

In both cases the real wealth on the farm was less than the tangible wealfli, 
for even in 1870 a great many of the farmers were burdened by mortgages, 
whose owners, with few exceptions, lived in the towns and cities. In 1800, 
however, the amount of these mortgages was far greater, not only actually, 
but relatively. We have no census of mortgages for 1870, but during_ the de- 
cade -from 1880 to 1890 while tlie estimated value of farms increased but 21 
per cent., the value.of the mortgages annually recorded increased over 70 per 
cent. At the present time the farmers of this country own mi^ch less than 23 
per cent, of this real wealth. In fact, when the census of 1890 was taken, the 
-people on the farms and in the farming villages and in the towns with less 
than 4,000 people, taken together, held only one-half of the real estate, by the 
official returns, and barely one-fourth of the personal property, by estimates 
which are practically official.* 

The estimated aggregaite wealth of the one-third of the people who live in 
cities of over 4,000 is $38,000,000,000. The .estimated aggregate wealth of the 
twa-thirds of the people who live in the rural districts is but $27,000,000,000. 
In the rural districts property is as widely and as well distributed as it ever 
was. Three-fourths of the families there own their own land; and If tbey are 
not subject to a h6avy mortgage, are a.ble to assert their political independence. 
But tEe average wealth of the people in the rural districts is only about $3,000 
per family, while the aiverage wealth of the families in the cities exceeds 
$9,000. ^ 

•See Census Bulletins 3T8 and 379 respecting the various forms of personal property. 


Were this great average wealth of the cities a wealth in which the arerage 
citizen shares, then the loss which has come to the rural districts would ii 
large measures be compensated by the gain which has come to the pepple in 
the cities. But the average wealth of the cities is not held by the average citi- 
zen and its magnitude merely maljes his poverty the more striking. Though 
the cities have three times as much wealth as the rural districts, they have 
alsb nearly three times as many people who are absolutely propertyless. The 
• claim is sometimes made that this is not true, because savings banks statistics 
Jn the great cities seem to show the contrary. In the city of New York, for 
example, there are few more savings bank accounts than there are families, 
and partisan statisticians have assumed that each of these deposits represents 
each different depositor. But the facts are entirely different. Everyone who is 
personally familiar with conditions on the east side of New York believes that 
Dr. W. S. Rainsford was well within the truth when he said that a majority 
of the families are within a fortnight's wages of the pawnshop. For awhile 
this belief rested merely on the personal observation of those familiar with 
tenement house conditions, but now the truth of these observ,fitions is proved 
by records which partisans cannot dispute. The present law in New York 
requires a public record to be kept of every estate, no matter how small, which 
passes through the Probate Court. No property, except household goods, be- 
longing to a deceased person can be transferred to his or her heirs without 
gomg through the Probate Court The action of this court is necessary to give 
a valid title to the heir, and savings banks require the certificate of the surro- 
gate before they will transfer accounts. An examination of the records kept 
in the surrogate's office for two entire years shows that out of 24,000 men over 
25 years of age who died during this period only 6,000 owned any property 
whatever beyond their household effects.* 

In other words, while the wide distribution of property in the rural dis- 
tricts makes it still true that less than half of the families in America are 

♦The fallacy that savings bank accounts represent the wealth of the working classes 
cannot too frequently be exploded. As the Massachusetts and Connecticut reports have 
time and again shown, the larger part of these deposits belongs to the well-to-do classes. 
The Massachusetts Labor Bureau report for 1S73 shows that although there were over 
160,000 deposits of less than $50 at a time— deposits which doubtless belonged to wage- 
earners— the aggregate of these small deposits was but $3,300,000. There were during 
the same year 16,000 deposits of upwards of $300 at u time, and these deposits aggre- 
gated $12,000,000. Certain men of wealth, says the report, held deposits In nearly every 
savings bank In the State, while others held a large number of deposits In a single bank, 
placing as large a sum as 1hoy could to their credit and as much more to the credit 
of themselves, as trustees, ^for each member of their family and for A, B, 0, D, K, F, 
and as many other le1:ters 'of the alphabet as they needed. Of the men who possessed 
property, two-thlrds possessed less than $5 000 and only one-twentieth possessed upwards 
of $50,000. But the few great estates contained twenty times as much property as Ihe 
many small estates. Similar investigations by the writer were made of the Probate 
Court records for the entire State of New York, and have been made by official investi- 
gations for the city of Baltimore and for the entire State of Massachusetts. The re- 


propertyless, nevertheless, one-eighth of our families own seven times as much' 
)wealth as the remaining seven-eighths, and one per cent, of our families own 
tnore than the remaining 95 per cent. 

During the past generation, in spite of the Civil War, the wealth of this 
nation has quadrupled, while Its population has -doubled. During the next 
generation the same process is likely to continue. The supremely Important 
public question is to determine whether the new wealth which comes to this 
nation shall go to Increase the wealth of those already rich, or shall go to give 
Independence, comfort and culture to the mass oC the people. The answer to 
(this question, upon which the well-being of the nation depends, is to be detci-- 
mined by the policy pursued by the nation in the regulation of its taxation, its 
finances and its imouopolies^ 

milts of all tlieae Investigations agree la showing tiiat In 1890 the distribution of weaKh 
In the United States stood approximately as follows: 1 

ffamlly Estates. Number. 

[The wealthy classes, ?50,000 and over. .«■ • 125,000 

aChe well-to-do classes, $30,000 to $5,000... «.... 1,375,000 

fflie middle classes, $5,000 to $500..., 5,500,000 

.(The poorer classes, under $500 - 5,500,000 







$264, OOn 












Execute Existing Anti-Trust Laws. 

From the address of General F. S. Monnett of Ohio, at the National Antl- 
Trust Conference: "An Attorney-General of your State, using the high and 
im.portant writ of ouster or of quo warranto, in the highest court in your 
State, and in behalf of the people in the State, can accomplish more in the 
,way of electrocuting monopolies and trusts than all the resolutions of trades 
unions, municipal reform leagues, Us reform disciples, industrial commis- 
sions, Wednesday morning clubs and long-winded inyestigations and party 
platforms, prepared by high-salaried trust magnates, wiU do in the ne»t 
decade. Trusts, combines, monoiwlies and criminals, tax dodgers and express 
robbers, are not solicitous, so long as they can satisfy public clamor with in- 
dustrial commissions, reform clubs and magazine articles, or so long as they 
can lieep a successful lobby between the people and the legislative halls— so 
long as they can keep the executive officers from dragging them Into the 
presence of the court. 

"Allow me to repeat and impress that the State is sovereign in the legis- 
lative halls, imperial in the executive and omnipotent in the judicial. If it will 
only exercise such powers to protect the common man in the general welfare 
of the people, and to right these wrongs and preserve unto all equal opportuni- 
ties. The weakness of our government has been that we have not asserted 
this sovereignty until oppression became overpowering. 

"It needs no new government; it needs no political platform; this evil neither 
requires free silver nor gold standard, double tax nor single tax. It needs men 
to execute .the laws that we have. It needs the courts to weigh out exact 
justice against the rich, powerful and mighty with the same even hand that 
it should to the poor man." 

Democracy Opposed to Exemption from Taxation. 

The failure to tax Incomes is an exemption from taxation. The Democratic 
party has ever opposed exemptions from taxation. The last national Dem- 
ocratic administration repeafjed the Republican law exempting from taxation 
the pirculatin^ notes of li^tioiial panUs and Vnitecl States legal tender notes, 


md liendered this vast fund amonating to hundreds of millions of dollars sut)- 
Ject to taxation under State laws. 

The following Is a copy of the act referred to, which was passed on August 
13th, 1894; 

"Be It enacted, et<:., That circulating notes of national banlting associations 
and United States legal tender notes and other notes and certiflcates of 
the United States payable on demand and circulating or intended to circulate 
as currency and gold, silver or other coin shall be subject to taxation as 
money on hand or on d^osit under thePlaws of any State or Territory: 

"Pcovided, That any such taxation shall be exercised in the same manner 
and at the same rate that any such State or Territory shall tax money or 
currency circulating as money wlUiin Its jurisdiction. 

"Sec. 2. That the provisions of this Act shall not be deemed or held to 
change existing laws in respect of the taxation of national banldng asso- 

To the Farmers of America. 

Tou are a majority of the people of this country, and can guide its destiny. 
lAt the time of the Revolution, nearly, all the people were farmers. Farmers 
gave ua independence and liberty. Their noble leader, Washinfeton,' was a 
farmer, and proud of the fact. Agriculture is of great pursuits ttie one of 
plain life and most conducive to virtue. 

Ours is a government by majority. You have always been a rhajority of 
the people, and should always control the Government. In our early days, 
you did control it, and then we had faithful administration of it. The ma- 
jority is responsible for Grovernment. 

Of late, you have allowed the Oovernment to be controlled by monopolists. 
TKeIr concern is for boundless wealth to themselves, and their niode of se- 
curing It is robbery of the people by abuses of legislation and administration. 
You can correct this, and malie the Governmeiit again, as your fathers made 
It, of equal rights to all. 

SIOBopoly is grasping the business of our country, and driving from employ- 
ment large numbers of worthy citizens dependent on the business for bread. 
It iB rapidly increasing Its possessions, and, if not checised, will ultimately 
possess all our more desirable linds, lilve in monarcliiss, where a few persons 
own all land, and the dwellers upon it are serfs obliged to worli bard and 
give the fruits of their labor to the landlords, -Vvhlie they get bnt a scant 
living. Shall such a prospect be for your children? Already we have monop- 
olteB of so much wealth that a" few of them can buy whole States of this 

Monopoly should not be tolerated in a Eepnblic. It is an iniquity that 
belongs to monarchy, to whom it is a main support. Monopolists in a mon- 
archy are th« aristocracy, pampered by the Government, and given special 
privileges, favors, honors, offices; and the itionopolists always uplwid the 
monarch, be he ever so bad.. Monopoly is the first step to aristocracy, and 
aristocracy is the step to monarchy. 


Monopoly in our country is from abuse in the Government since the 
Rebellion, and the political party mostly In poTyei; since then is responsible 
for it. It has flourished here to such an extent during the present administraF 
lion, as to amaze even monarchies where it naturally belongs; but they hail it 
as a foe to liberty. * 

Having established in our country an aristocracy of -wealth, the monopo- 
lists are now preparing for the next step, an Emperor in all but, the name. 
Empires have large standing armies to keep the people from liberty, and our 
mono|iolists have already forced ujon us a large standing army, which they 
are using, at first, to force an imperial yoke upon unfortunate Islanders who 
have fallen into our hands, in order to familikrize us vrith imperialism, so 
as easily to slip the yoke, after a while, unoa our own necks. Thus have 
republics ever fallen. 

BIcKinley is less our President than are the monopplists at his bacK. They 
secured hi.<? election, knowing he was weak in character and would do th^r 
bidding. Now, with plausible pretenses, they ask you to prolong his power— 
their power. Your deqision involve-si the welfare of your country, yourselves, 
your children. 

John Sherman on the Philippine War. 

In his speech to the old soldiers at Mansfield in August, 1899, Ex-Senator 
John Sherman declared the Philippine War to be "unjust," "uncalled for." aad 


A Question of Voracity— Otis vs. McKinley. 

On the 19th of April, 1890, a telegram came from General Otis in Manila 
to the War department, saj^ing: "The volunteers will not re-enlist. Volun- 
teers will render willing service until return transports a-wiilable." During 
the fall at tliat year applications for the discharge of j.olunt6(ers whose term's 
had expired Avere constantly made to the War Department, and they were \ 
as constanDy refused. Assistant Adjutant General Simpson said in one 
case, of refusal, dated September 14th: "The Department is flooded with re- 
qi ests of this character and all are treated alike." Assistant Adjutant Gen- 
eral Thomas \\'ard, in a similar refusal, dated October 6th, closed with iden- 
tically the same language: "The Department is flooded with applications 
of this character and all are treated alike." 

And J et the President, in his annual message of December, 1899, used 
the following language, quite at variance with the statements of General Otis 
aiid the War Department ofiicials above quoted: "The noble self-sacrifice 
with which our soldiers and sailors, whose tei-ms of service had expired, re-'d to avail themselves of their right to return home as long as they were 
needed at tlie front, forms one of the brightest pages of our annals." General 
Otis said the volunteers would render willing service until transport ships 
could be had ou which they could return home. Surely the President was 
not authorized by this dispatch to say that they refused to avail themselves 


of their i-igbt to return hotrie." O^iiey simply di^ not refuse servlcetwUile 
waiting for transport ships on which they cpuld return home. 
No comment is necessary,' •';";' , ' ' ' I , 

A Trust Overreaches Itself. 

Notwithstanding the immense production of iron and steel in the .United 
, States, and the exportation of steel rails abroad on a great scale, "guard rails" 
and "special worls required for street railway curves and switches" have been 
put at such a high price that some street railway companies of the United 
States have irnported them from Scotland and Germany. There are only three 
companies in this country which manufacture this peculiar kind of steel worlj. 
These three companies formed a pool and have placed their prices so high that 
they are prohibitive. As a consequence large contracts have been given to 
foreign companie's. The foreign mills supply the steel rails at less than fifty 
dollars per ton, including the he^vy import duty of about seven dollars a' ton. 
The rail pool in this country demands about seventy-five dollars a ton'. It is 
estimated that at this 'price they are demanding a profit of oveT a hundred 
. per cent; They will not malie a profit on the rails which they do not sell, but 
which are purchased from foreign mills by the American railroad companies. 
Thus greed overreaches Mf. ■ 




PART I.— Democratic Candidates and Platform 

0HAPTE5B l.—Demogratie Platform of 1900, w'itli platform of ISOS ' 

added 3 

CHAPTER 2.— Bryan's Notification Speech J5 

CHAPTER S.—Stevenson's Notification Speech 33 

CHA'PTEK 4.— Representative Richardson's' Convention Speech 42 

PARt II.— Tlie Republican Platform and Its Exponent. 

CHAPTER 5.— The Republican Platform * 48 

CHAPTER 6.— Senator lyodge's Convention Speech Reviewed 53 

PART HI— The War With Spain. 

CHAPTER 7.-The Spanish War 61 

CHAPTER 8.— Admirjistration of the War Department during the War 

With Spain 65 

PART IV.— The Republic or the Empire. 

CHAPTER 9.— The President's Philippine War 79 

CHAPTER 10.— Five Malay States a Possibility 104 

CHAPTER 11.— Chattel; Slavery and Polygamy upheld in U. S. territory 

by President McKinley IOC 

CHAPTER 12.— Who Will Haul Djjwn the Flag? (A Poem) 110 

CHAPTER 13.— The Liberty Congress of the Anti-Imperialists 112 

CHAPTER 14.— Henry Cabot Lodge at tlie Court of the Empire IIS 

CHAPTER 15. — Decisions of the Supreme Court on the Constitution in 

the Territories 122 

CHAPTER 16.— Justice Brewer's Protest AgainSt Imperialism I5;j 

CHAPTER 17.— The British Alliance— Some of Its Worii 1.30 

CHAPTER 18.— Cuba— Hale Fears She Will Be Denied Independence. . 153 

CHAPTER 19.— Stealings of TJ. S. Republican Officials in Cuba 15j 

CHAPTER 20.— Porto Rico— Nullification of the Constitution- Imperial- 
ism Applied 162 

CHAPTER 21.— Visible Control of Congress by the Sugar Trust 160 

CHAPTER 22.— What Self-Respecting Newspapers and Public Men Said 

' of Iriiperialism in Porto Rico I75 

CHAPTER 23.— The Lost Potto Rieo Plank in the Republican Platfoi'm 203 
)6f . " 


CHAPTBE 24.— The British Colonial System Adopted by Congress for 

Porto, Rico 205 

CHAiraER 25.— The Cost of Imperialism 20S 

PART v.— The Trusts. 

CHAPTEB 26.— The Trusts— Proposed Pvemedies- The Republican Prop- ~"^ 

^: osition— Mr. Bryan's Bill 214 

CHAPTER 27.— A List of the Ti-usts and Combines in the United States 218 

CHTAITBR 28.— Tlie ArAor Plate Trust— Its Victory in Congress 2Sl 

; CHAPTER 29.— Carnegie's Enormous Income— $68,000 a Day— $24,000,- 

■ 000 a Year , 239 

OHAPTEiB 30.— The Railroad Question- Discrimination In Favor of 

Trusts 241 

CHAPTER 31.-The Ship Subsidy Bill for Shipbuilding Trusts 24S 

PART VI The Money Question. 

CHAPTER 32.— President McKinley's Broken Pledge for International 

Bimetallism 232 

CHAPTER 33.— McKinley Coins Fifty-Three Millions of "Fifty-Cent 

, Clipped Dollars" , 261 

OHAPTEiR 34.— Congi-ess Certainly Was Good to the Banks 264 

OHAPTER 35.— Main Features of the Gold Standard, National Bank, 

Anti-Greenback Financial Bill 263 

CHAPTER 36.— ^Senator Chandler's Protest Against the Same 275 

CHAPTER 37.- Gems I^rom Delate on tlie Financial Bill 280 

OHAPTER 38.— A Record of Adversity 25^1 

CHAPTER 39.— The Standard Oil, National City Bank of New York, 

and Its Relations with the Treasury Department. . . . 2S6 

' CHAPTER 40.— Moneyi Prices and Prosperity 296. 

PART VII Labor. 

; r.YPTER 41.— The Eight-Hour Law 304 

, : AFTER 42.— Gen. Stevenson and Organized Labor 314 

' .1 AFTER 43.— Chinese Immigration, ^ 318 

:iIAPTER 44.— Protective Tariff for Manuf actvu-ers, but Free Trade 

for Foreign Contract Labor ,...., 320 

c'lIAPTBR 45.— The Open Door , 32.1 

PART VIIU- Miscellaneous. 

ilAPTER 46.— Trust Products and Other Products Compared 326 

JHAPTEB 47.— JIUitarism 528 

CHAPTER 48— PcDsious 33I 

CHAPTER 49.— Reciprocity Treaties ; . 3-37 

CHAPTER 50.— The Coneontration of Wealth gjO 

.CHAPTER 51.— Miscellany ..34(5 




... TapJ. 

Arid Lands, Democratic Platform favors system of improvms. . . . . . . 8 

A|iproprlations, Extravagance in denounced '.'. 9 

Appeal to the people , : 9 

A|ger, Secretary of War— His rebulio to Roosevelt CO 

Aguinaldo— 4. . 

Response to President's declaration of war 94 

Proclamation of a Rep\]blic by • v ■ • 99 . 


The Convention of 112 

Address of 112 

Chairman Boutwell's speech to ' 114 

, I;etter of Bouriie Cochran to 116 

Alliance, British, Evidences of the existence of a 139-143 

Aldrich, Senator, Political trieli -.,. 185 

Allen, Senator, Effort for Eight-Hour Law 309, 

Adversity, Under McKinley's administration , 284 

Apti-Trust Lj^ws, Execute existing 346 

B ■, 

Bryan, William J.— ' ^ . 

Speech of Acceptance ' 15 

, Republican inconsistencies stated by 16 

Republican evasion deprecated by 17 

Reasons "for favoring ratification of Spanish Treaty 17 

How Philippine War might have been averted ': 18 

On effect of imperial issue at home ; : 19 j 

On sympathy with Boers 19 , 

Expansions contrasted with imperialism 20, ' 

Climate a bar to colonies in tropics » 20 

• On IHilitarism '• ■ 21 

On analogy between McKinley and George III.' 22 

Filipinos undesirable as citizens 22 

Filipinos inadmissible as subjects / 22 

INlaintalns Constitution in force in all the territories , ., 23 



Holds that Filipinos were our allies. . ^', 23 

Tlieir right to freedom » 24 

■Quo tes Henry Clay against imperialism , , ,, 25 

Deals with Republican argument in defense of imperialism.!...., 27 

The principle of*self-gOTernment the glory of the republic 27 

Religious argument against imperialism. ,. 80 

Declares the retention of Philippines to be unnecessary SO 

His Anti-TjTust bill of 1892 , 215 

Declares Filipinojindependence the true solution SI 

On labor : 304 

Bimetallism, RepuTjlican betrayal of denounced .' 43 


Scandal, in connection with. 45 

National, secure all desired legislation .'.... 264 

National, system of analyzed. 266 

National City of New York, relations with Treasury Department. . . 290 
National City of New York, poUtieal claims asserted by Vice 

President of ■. 292 

National City, political claims allowed ,. 293 

National City, buys.ftl(J New York Custom Hotise, pays itself over 

¥S,000,000. as an annex to the Treasury Department. ..,.'. 293 

National City, escapes New York taxes by leaving title" in U. S. 

until final smaH payment 293 

National depositaries, a Republican substitute for old U. S. Bank. . 286 
National depositaries now using $96,000,000 Treasury funds with- 
out interest " '. 287 

National, loans to same without interest denounced by McKinley 

in 1888 .- 288 

Beef, Scandals in connection with contracts for. 45 

Boutwell, Hon. Geo. S., Speech of at Indianapolis 114 

Biewer, Justice, Protest against imperialism , 135 

British alliance - 

Facts illustrative of a silent agreement 143 

Evidence of 140 

■y^ork of, Nicaragua Canal 144 

Hauling down the flag in Alaska .' 145 

.- Great Britain and the Boers 148 

British official violation of U. S. mails,^ Hj. 

British Anti-Boer documents issued from V. S. Government De- 
partment 15Q 

Lithograph of such document 15^ 

British Colonial System, Adopted for Porto Rico 203 


McKiuley's broken pledge for International 252 

Opinion of ths British Ministers , , , 35^ 


Bimelallie Oomtnisslon, refefred to. ' 2^4 

Bimetallism, Mckinley's message to Congress recommending Indianapo- 
lis gold standard platforflal . . . .' 256 



Pledges to , 4 

Postofflee, Scandals in connection with 45 

Senator Hale's remarks relative thereto » ., 153 

Expose oi: corruption by U. S. officials I55 

CllrrenGy Law— 1 

Act of February, 1900, reference to ' , t 

Condemned ? , 46 

Chinese— ' 

Immigration favored by Republican party 319 

Exclu-sion Law, enforcement of favored. ,..' , 8 

' Immigration favored by Republican party 318 

Goastitutlon— - 

In force in the territories '... 38 

Its force in territories asserted in Republican platforms of 1856 

and 1860 '. » 58 

(President's disregard of .'• 84 

Filipino Republic proola,ims 99 

Climate, A bar tq colonies in the tropics , 20 

Cl-iy, Henry, Quoted against ^imperialism 25 

Civil Service, Violations of by MoKlnley 44 

Commissary Department, Beef contracts with 70 

Commissioh, ' Repdrt of Jqjnt Peace 97 

Ooclrran, W. Bourke, Letter of to Anti^Imperialist Congress. 116 

Canal, Nicaragua, Surrender of U. S. rights ' 144 

Campaign contributions, Administration's deals with Sugar Trust- for 

same y v 173 

Chandler, Senator- 
Debate on armor plate trust ; . 233 

Protests against financial bill 275 

Carnegie, Andrew, His enormous income 239 

Cockrell, Senator, Remarks on financial bill 280 


The Open Door a menace to Western civilization. . < , « 324 

The world's workshop Instead of its market 324 

European and American capital in 325 

Cheap labor on Chinese ground in competition with American and 

£:uropean labor. S25 



Dewey, Admiral, U. S. N.— ' 

Statement relative to Aguinal*«. , i ..... .- 80 

Advises against seizure of Iloilo i . 87 

Advises recall of expedition to Iloilo , 89 

DeVries, Hon. Marion, Minority report on Ship Subsidy bill , 251 

Daly, Hon. Wm. D., Minority report on Sliip Subsidy bill 251 

Dun & Co., R. G., Their record of adversity 284 


■ Elections, Of Senators by direct vote of people 7 

England, Alliance y^rith ^ I ,, 8 

Expansion— * 

Contrasted with imperialism . . . ; 20 

JeSersonian not imperialism 38 

Eagan, Gen., U. S. A.— 

Statement of 76 

Court-martialed ....:.'. 7G 

Sentence modified by President , ^ .... • 77 


Financial, American system endorsed , 7 


tlndesirable as citizens ' 22 

Inadmissible as subjects. 22 

Our allies. .; , 23 

Rights to freedom 24 

Extract from report of Commission g , 80 

Refuse to surrender at Iloilo 90 

Efforts for peace by them 97 

■Request for independence under U. S. protection 98 

iWar against commenced before ratification of treaty 100 

Killed for crossing the line 101 

(War against commenced by above killing • 101 


Who Will Haul Down the Flag? (poem) , 110 

Hauliog down in Alaska 145 

Fitzgerald, Hon. John F., Minority report on Ship Subsidy bill 251 

French Ambassador, Joins U. S. Commissioners in proposing bimetal- 
lism to England 253 

Financial, Bill- 
Appro vod by McKinley March 14, IQOO 259 

Analyzed by Senator Teller 268 

Protest of Senator Chandler 275 

Extracts from debate, Senator Jones of Arkansas , 2S0 



Extracts from debate, Senator Cockrell : . 280 

Extract from debate, Representative Lentz 2S2 

Financial Plank, Republican platform 1896 a fraud 260 

Farmers, Of America, to tlie. 347 



Gold Standard- 
Currency law of 1900 denounced 7 

"Existing" a false phrase ,. 257 

"The present" also a false phrase , 257 

Gage, Secretary of the Treasury-- ' 

Response to Senate resolution on National City Bank 290 

Reference to $200,000,000 loan 290 

Lauds the gr^ financial institutions 290. 

Receipts from war taxes ti?eated by him as evidences of great pros- 
perity i -. 291 

Gompcrs, Samuel, President, Lettei'' to Senators 310 


Hale, Senator Eugene, Fears Cuba will not be given her freedom 153 

Ilanna, Senator M. A.,— 

Introduced Ship Subsidy WU 248 

Boasts of influence of international bimetallic promises on McKin- 

ley's election . .' 25S - 

Zeal in behalf of Armor Plate Trust. 237 

Henderson, Hon. John B., Letter relative to Porto Rico, 199 

'Hepburn, A. B., Vice President National City Bank, Asserts political 

■'^ claims of the bank , 292 



Bars administration sympathy with Boers 19 

Contrasted with expansion 20 

' •Effect at home of , ■ I'J 

Religious argument against; , 30 

Deplored ^^ 

As' Inaugurated by McKinley's administration 120 

Defined : ••;•-• ^^^ 

Supi-eme Court decisions against 122-134 

Protest against by Justice Brewer 135 

Applied to Porto Rico - 1^2 

Newspapers and public men against it I'i'o 

Cost of ; •' ^^^ 

Appropi'iations for « ^'^ 

House debate on,.., •■ • 208 


The raramount issue 5 

Interstate Commerce Law, InsuflQciendy of .'. 241 

Injunction, Government by. ..V . 7 

Hollo, City of— 

Petition of business men for American protection. i 87 

Presideiit's order to send troops to. . ; .*. 87 

Iowa, Resolution of Lower House of Legislature condemning Porto 

Rico bill 201 


Report of convention^ f8d7 ." 257 

iSeporf of convention, 1897, endorsed by McKinley 257 

Convention, President's message on sent in for effect on London, 

defeating international bimetallic agreement .> 250 


Jones, Hon. Jas. K., Remarks on financial bill 280 


Keene, James R., On dangerous power of money 217 

KifcWn, Hon. W. W, Minority report on armor plate 23S 


IE«<!ge, Senator-— 

Convention speech reviewed. ..• « 53 

' Misstatement of Republican party history , 58 

Extract of speech of. notification. 65-118 

'.' Speech of notification, . review of. 119 

Advocacy of imperialism 119 

Littl'efield, Hon. Chas. E;, Extracts from speech on Potto Rico 164-168 

Ijentz, Hon. John J.— 

. Speech on trusts, extracts from , 216 

Remarks on financial bill. 282 


Department of ' 7 

Eight-Hour Law, history of ....'. , S04 

Bight-Hour Lavr of 1868, ignored by Republican oflScials 306 

Eight-Hour Law 1802, unfavorably construed 30" 

Bight-Hour bill of 1900 defeated by Republican Senators 312 

Eight-Hour bill, Ayes and noes on , 312 

American Federation of 307 

American Federation of, report of legislative committee of , 308 

Samuel Gompers, President of, letter appealing to Senators sio 

JFree trade in favored by Republicans ; J 320 

Foreign contract law.. 320 


Foreign contract Ia"w enacted and maintained for twenty years by 

Republicans , .^ », . 320 

Tlie blaelcllst system 322 

Laws, Anti-Trust, execute existing ,.,,.* 346 


Monroe Doctrine— 

(Referred to .••• -. ..••-.' v....r.... .T"., 5 

Referred to , ^. . 39 

Referred to. ., 43 

Militaris& .- * 328 

Bryan's warning against ......,...■.,.., 21 

Opposition to ;... ...« 5 

Maine, Destruction of tbe battlesliip ;... 63 

Miller, Gen., U. S. A., Publishes President's order Dec. 21st 91 

Mails, Violations of U. S. mails by British authority 148 


•Question, the >. 251 

Prices and prosperity j 296 


And George III, Analogy between 22 

Record of his broken promises 53 

.1 Usurpation of power as shown by Senator Lodge 56 

Opposes recognition of Cuban belligerency ■ 62 

Favored equal hostilities against Spain and Cuba 63 

Influenced by Spanish bondholders 62 

Order modifying Eagan's sentence ." 77 

Order of Dec. 21st, 1898, declared war on Filipinos 81 

■ Violation of protocol with Spain 83 

Extension of military rule over entire group 83 

Appreciates his own iDsnevolent purposes 90 

Refuses to reply to Filipino desire for Independence 98 

Upholds slavery and polygamy in Philippines 108 

Recommends free trade with Porto Rico 164 

V'rges Porto Rican tariff bill 167 

His broken pledges for international bimetallism , . 252 

Message lecommending Indianapolis gold , standard report 256 

Insincerity demonst